Mom's statement is long gone. Materials for preparing for gia. Extracting information from various sources

Pet. Governor-General Pyotr Alexandrovich Palen. Palen attracted led to the conspiracy. book. Alexandra. He initially planned not to remove Paul from the throne, but to kill him. 4 years after the coup, Palen told Lanzheron: “Alexander did not agree to anything without demanding from me a preliminary oath promise that they would not encroach on the life of his father; I gave him my word, ... although I was convinced that it would not be fulfilled. I knew perfectly well that it was necessary to complete the revolution or not to touch it at all, and that if Paul’s life was not terminated, then the doors of his prison would soon open, a terrible reaction would take place, and the blood of the innocent, like the blood of the guilty, would soon stain both the capital and the provinces. ".

Palen was determined to limit the autocracy after the overthrow of Paul. In 1800, Palen informed Alexander of his intention to overthrow Paul from the throne and asked Alexander to give his consent to the coup. Alexander hesitated, showed indecision, but supported the talk about saving the fatherland. He shared the constitutional ideas of Palen, but historians are not aware of his plans to limit autocracy.

Alexander agreed after accession to the throne to sign the constitution.

Paul I in 1800 moved from the Winter Palace to the Mikhailovsky Castle, the construction of which was carried out by his order. Several million were spent on the construction of the castle. gold rubles The castle looked like a military fortress. He had secret stairs, corridors, so that you could quietly hide from the killers.

In 1800, Palen managed to achieve the return of Platon Zubov to St. Petersburg in order to involve him in the conspiracy. In the petition, Platon Zubov humbly asked to be allowed to faithfully serve the sovereign to the last drop of blood. In December 1800, the Zubov brothers (Platon, Nikolai, Valerian received high military posts). Nikolai Zubov, who would later be the first to strike Paul, was often invited to receptions at the imperial palace. Palen attracted Platon Zubov (Ekaterina's last lover) because he had connections. Through him, important generals could be attracted to the conspiracy. But the Zubovs, as executors of the conspiracy, were unreliable. According to Langeron (the general of the Gatchina school, he was devoted to Pavel), Platon Zubov was the most cowardly and low of people. Palen, apparently, guessed about it. He became interested in the conspiracy of General Bennigsen on the day of the coup.

In the autumn-winter of 1800-1801, guards officers were recruited. Palen did not reveal his plan to them until the last hour.

In March 1801, Paul I guessed about the conspiracy, but he did not know who was preparing it. A rumor spread in society that Pavel wants to appoint his son Nicholas, “not spoiled by his grandmother’s influence,” as his heir, or the future husband of his daughter Catherine (born in 1788), Prince of Württemberg. It was no secret to anyone that the relationship between Paul and Alexander was complicated and strained. There were rumors about the imprisonment of Alexander in the Shlisselburg fortress, and the empress in Kholmogory. The king allegedly intends to marry a third time. It is not known whether Paul really made such plans.

Palen skillfully strengthened the rumors he needed, setting up the guards and secular society against Paul.

On March 9, Pavel started a conversation with Palen about the conspiracy. Pavel did not know anything for sure: neither the names nor the plans of the conspirators. He only guessed that someone was preparing a conspiracy. Palen reassured him that he would not allow a conspiracy. It became clear to Palen that the coup could not be delayed. Palen and Alexander discussed the date of the coup. - 11th of March. On this day, the Mikhailovsky Castle was supposed to be guarded by the third battalion of the Semenovsky regiment, and Alexander was the chief of the Semenovsky regiment. In this battalion Al. I was more confident than others.

A nervous, restless mood reigned in the palace. 4-6 people knew about the conspiracy. On March 11, Palen gathered many officers of the guard at his apartment and announced to them that Pavel was dissatisfied with their service, he declared that the emperor would send to Siberia all the officers with whom he was dissatisfied. A contemporary, an eyewitness to the events, wrote: “Everyone left with despondency in their hearts. Everyone wants change."

Palen planned the plot down to the last detail. There were about 500 officers in the guard, almost all under the control of Palen.

The officers involved in the conspiracy had no unity of motives. Each pursued personal interests. Someone Pavel offended, someone was sitting in a fortress, someone wanted to take revenge on Paul for their fear. The officers were not given the opportunity to think about the goals of the conspiracy. They were not asked, they were ordered.

At 11 p.m., a gvar dinner was held. officers from General Talyzin, one of the organizers of the conspiracy. Those officers who were to take part in the coup were invited to dinner by Palen. The officers drank a lot, mostly champagne. Jokes were told about Paul. At 12 o'clock Palen and the Zubovs arrived. Palen made a toast: "To the health of the new emperor." Some officers were embarrassed, others were silent, waiting for an explanation. Platon Zubov gave a speech, spoke briefly about the conspiracy. Palen and Zubov emphasized Alexander's participation in the conspiracy. The officers asked Palen what to do with Pavel. Palen answered them with a French proverb: "To eat scrambled eggs, you must first break the eggs."

Palen divided the officers into two parties, one he led himself. Another - Platon Zubov formally, but in fact - General Benigsen. Palen was afraid that Zubov would get cold feet. Everyone went to the Mikhailovsky Castle. The task of arresting or cracking down on the king was entrusted to Bennigsen and the officers of his detachment - 26 people.

The internal guard in the Mikhailovsky Castle was carried by the soldiers of one of the battalions of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment, the chief of this battalion was Prince. Alexander. Most of the conspirators fell behind the column for various reasons. The task of arresting or reprisal against the tsar (whatever happens) was entrusted to Bennigsen and his people. In the event that Pavel manages to get out, another group of conspirators was waiting for him, who were placed in the corridors, at the doors, at the stairs for observation. The king was, as it were, in a double ring of murderers. The conspirators burst into Pavel's bedroom, threw him to the floor, choked him, and beat him. The murder of Paul was reported to Alexander. He was very upset by the death of his father.

The sharp contrast between Catherine's and Paul's reigns allowed contemporaries to appreciate Catherine's reign more highly and create the myth of the "golden age of the Russian nobility." Nicholas I continued his father's policy of strengthening autocratic power.

+ 26-27-28-29-30-31+Alexander/foreign/domestic policy

The first half of the 19th century is a very complex period full of contradictions in the history of Imperial Russia. The country was at a crossroads between the old autocratic-feudal system and the search for new forms of socio-political organization. This era is associated with such a historical figure as Emperor Alexander I. What kind of person is this? It is difficult to answer, because even for contemporaries who knew him all or almost all his life, he remained a mystery. No wonder he was nicknamed the "Northern Sphinx": with someone he was kind, with someone he was cruel; in some situations he struck with his determination, in others with fear. In a word, the man is a mystery. Nevertheless, Alexander I is a very significant milestone in Russian history. What is his role in the development of imperial Russia, I will try to understand and reflect in my work.

The object of this study is the personality and era of Alexander I, the subject is the policy and diplomacy of the emperor. Since this topic received fairly complete coverage in the literature, it was decided to focus on the most outstanding actions of Alexander I in the sphere of domestic politics and in the international arena. The paper will consider the most important steps of the emperor in the internal reorganization of the state and the main problems of Russia's foreign policy of this era. In particular, issues related to transformations in the sphere of public administration, the liberation of peasants from dependence, as well as the reactionary measures of Alexander I and the reasons for the rejection of reforms will be studied in more depth.

The study of the era and personality of Alexander I was carried out by such researchers as A.E. Presnyakov, A.N. Sakharov, S.M. Solovyov, S.V. Mironenko, N.K. Schilder and others.

The sources covering the period under study include, first of all, legal acts published in the collections “Foreign Policy of Russia. XIX - early XX centuries. Documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs", "Materials on the history of the USSR for seminars and practical classes. The first half of the 19th century”, “Russian legislation of the 10th - early 20th centuries”.

A special group of sources are documents of personal origin: memoirs, memoirs, notes, diaries of contemporaries. Some of them are published in the collection "The Sovereign Sphinx". This group of sources is numerous and interesting in content.

INTERNAL POLICY OF ALEXANDER I.

Russia entered the 19th century. not only with the autocratic system preserved intact, but also with such an organization of power that no longer met the requirements of the times. Confusion and uncertainty of functions reigned in the structure of state bodies. The state institutions that arose for a long time and without a definite plan did not have a clearly defined sphere of activity and clear limits of their competence. Their internal structure was not uniform, but, on the contrary, was chaotic. By the end of the reign of Paul I, it was clear to people involved in the government of the country that the state machine could no longer work in this form. And then the young Emperor Alexander I appears on the political arena.

The transformation of the central government.

“The first steps of Alexander I were a reaction against a number of manifestations of Pavlovian despotism, heralded by a manifesto on governance “according to the laws and according to the heart of Catherine the Great.” March 30 was followed by the establishment of an “indispensable council” to consider state affairs and decisions. This council was supposed to review the adopted laws and develop new projects. But this institution did not play its intended role and existed only on paper.

So, the first decade of the 19th century, characterized by an attempt to create a body that would limit the arbitrariness of the autocracy, did not live up to the expectations of the people. From the very first actions of the new king, the duality of his policy is observed: on the one hand, active attempts to improve the existing state system, on the other hand, these undertakings are not brought to an end, and sometimes remain only on paper.

Alexander had his own government planned from his youthful years. He calls for the cooperation of his three friends - Stroganov, Novoseltsev, Czartorysky, and later - Kochubey. In such a "secret committee" the program and projects of the new reign will be further developed. In the conversations of the Unspoken Committee, Alexander honed his thoughts, tested his beliefs, and corrected them. These meetings were first held secretly from everyone, even Paul, who reigned at that time, which testified that Alexander I had plans to reorganize the country even before he ascended the throne. “In his diaries, P.A. Stroganov noted with chagrin that Alexander spoke rather vaguely about future transformations; he politely but stubbornly rejected all proposals to formulate in any definite way the range of questions under discussion. Yet from these records it becomes clear that the basis of the reforms planned by Alexander were to be the right to liberty and property. Alexander intended to issue laws that "do not give the opportunity to change the existing institutions at will," but he believed that he himself should have initiated the reform. Until 1806, meetings of the Private Committee were chaired by Alexander. And each time it became clear that neither Alexander I nor his circle could carry out at least a small part of the plans that arose in the Unspoken Committee. Alexander was not ready for decisive steps. He was a reformer at heart, he understood that reforms were necessary, but at the same time he was afraid of changes that would be the inevitable result of reforms and would undermine his position as an unlimited monarch. Moreover, if he even understood intellectually that transformations were necessary, then the ruling class of landowners did not. And any initiative on the part of the emperor ran into dissatisfaction with the conservative nobility. Therefore, the Unspoken Committee was doomed to inactivity, reformist plans - to a gradual death.

The beginning of the reign of Alexander I cannot be imagined without the figure of M.M. Speransky. As an administrative adviser to the emperor, he developed projects for transforming the country's internal political structure. The projects were very well thought out, and if they were implemented, the state system would be a harmonious, well-organized mechanism with clearly delineated functions. But Speransky's plans were not destined to be fully realized. And in general, in most cases, only the name remained from the project of any state authority. Many different factors influenced: the emperor’s fear of losing the fullness of his power, the discontent of Alexander’s closest advisers, the intransigence of the nobility, the peculiarities of Russian bureaucracy, war, etc.

In 1802 the reform of the existing state system was carried out, according to which the colleges were replaced by ministries. However, the failure of this reform was predetermined from the outset by the haste in its implementation, the inexperience of Alexander's advisers. The ministerial reform was due to the strengthening of the central government, which intended to start broad reforms, but did not count on the support of society and therefore needed active and dedicated executive bodies. Ministries should have become such bodies. The established ministries were supposed to carry out government reforms, helping Alexander to keep all state affairs in his hands. But the developed principles of the organization of ministries had to be corrected a few years later. In 1811, the "General Establishment of Ministries" was published. It established a clear delineation of functions between ministries and main departments, uniform principles for their organization and a general procedure for passing cases in them. Eight ministries were created: military ground forces, naval forces, foreign affairs, justice, internal affairs, finance, commerce and public education. At the same time, the boards continued to operate. Formally, they were distributed among the ministries, but their relations with the ministers and with the Senate were not determined by law. The establishment of ministries raised the question of unifying their activities. This task was entrusted to the Committee of Ministers - a body in which each minister had to discuss his reports with other heads of departments. The Committee of Ministers was only established in March 1812. The Committee included chairmen of departments of the State Council, and the Chairman of the State Council became the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers. And this meant the unrealizability of Speransky's projects. The competence of the Committee included the consideration of cases that the ministries could not resolve without going beyond their powers or cases that were in doubt. In particular, the Committee of Ministers was supposed to receive cases of the higher police, issues of providing the population with food, etc. But in reality, the Committee did not work as it should have done according to the "Institution". It was the meeting place of the emperor with trusted senior officials. Often the Committee, in contradiction with the "Institution", considered bills and sent them for approval to the emperor. Thus, projects became laws, bypassing the State Council. In addition, the Committee was constantly engaged in the analysis of court cases that should not have been received there at all, according to the "Institution". That is, the Committee of Ministers often replaced the ministries themselves. Thus, the mixing of the functions of various state institutions was preserved, and the Committee of Ministers combined the various bodies of all three branches of government.

In January 1810, the creation of a new body, the State Council, was announced and its first meeting was held. The Council of State was assigned the function of a legislative body. The first section of the text of the document “Formation of the State Council” said: “In the order of state institutions, the Council constitutes an estate in which all parts of government in their main relations to legislation are considered and through it ascend to the supreme imperial power. Accordingly, all laws, statutes and institutions in their primitive outlines are proposed and considered in the State Council, and then, by the action of the sovereign power, they proceed to the fulfillment intended for them. That is, all laws are considered in the State Council, but put into effect by the supreme authority, and not a single law or charter can be made without the approval of the supreme authority. “He, therefore, occupied the place previously assigned to the State Duma, but was arranged on fundamentally different principles. From the State Council in the form in which it was conceived in the Speransky project, only the name remained. Members of the Council were appointed by the emperor from representatives of one estate - the nobility. At the same time, the foundations of the autocratic political system remained unshaken. The council was divided into four departments: laws, state economy, civil and military affairs. Under the State Council there was a commission for drafting laws and a commission for petitions. The Council's opinion was adopted by majority vote. This opinion was recorded in a journal. Members of the Council who did not agree with the general decision could submit a dissenting opinion, which was attached to the journal of the meeting, but had no legal significance. Then this magazine was taken to the king. All laws, statutes and institutions were to be issued, although by the royal manifesto, but they must contain the phrase: "Having heeded the opinion of the State Council." Over time, it became clear that Alexander I did not intend to consider the opinion of the majority of the Council as a binding decision for himself. “According to the estimates of P.N. Danevsky, out of 242 cases, in which in 1810 - 1825. there were disagreements in the State Council, Alexander I in 159 cases approved the opinion of the majority, in 83 cases - the minority (and in 4 cases agreed with the opinion of one member) ". Just as quickly, the formula “Having heeded the opinion of the State Council” also disappeared from use. So easily the autocracy got rid of even the outward appearance of dependence on the State Council. Assessing the steps taken by the authorities in this area, the Soviet historian N. M. Druzhinin noted that “in 1801 - 1820. Russian autocracy tried to create a new form of monarchy, legally restricting absolutism, but in fact retaining the sole power of the sovereign. However, legally the State Council continued to be the highest legislative body of the empire.

One of the central places in the system of higher state institutions was occupied by the Senate. By decree on January 27, 1805, the Senate was divided into nine departments. Judicial departments had the same rights. The distribution of cases between them occurred on a territorial basis. The second department considered appeals in civil cases from 8 northwestern and northern provinces. The third department was the highest civil court for the 12 provinces of the Baltic States, Ukraine and Belarus. The fourth - for 9 provinces of the Volga region, Siberia and the Urals. The fifth department was the appellate instance for criminal cases for 27 provinces of European Russia. The sixth - for the remaining 27 provinces of European Russia and the Caucasus. The seventh and eighth departments dealt with civil affairs. The first department occupied a leading position in the Senate. He was in charge of the promulgation of the law, conducted senatorial audits, in order to check the state of individual institutions or provinces. "Senatorial revisions were an important component of domestic policy, since the Senate not only monitored the implementation of general state laws, but also controlled the activities of the entire state machine." In addition, the First Department supervised recruiting, conducted audits of serf souls, and assigned officials to positions. Thus, the functions of the First Department were a mixture of administrative principles and went beyond the main purpose of the Senate. A special position was occupied by the ninth - Land Survey Department. It combined the functions of the highest administrative and judicial authority for land surveying. At the head of the Senate was the Prosecutor General, and with the establishment of ministries, this position was taken by the Minister of Justice. The combination of the position of the Prosecutor General and the Minister of Justice led to the latter's complete dominance in the Senate.

The Patriotic War of 1812 relegated internal political problems to the background, and only after the end of the anti-Napoleonic wars was the emperor again able to return to state reforms. Alexander I planned to introduce a constitutional device in Russia. A kind of rehearsal was the introduction of a constitution in the Kingdom of Poland. No special body was created to develop a constitution in the Kingdom of Poland. The first draft of the constitution was the fruit of the creativity of the Polish aristocracy, it was not feasible due to its huge size and unreasonable requests. The alteration of the project was entrusted to a special commission, consisting of Polish dignitaries. The improved design was again presented to Alexander for study. "Sh. Askenazi writes that “on the margins of this project, almost against every article, Alexander made notes with a pencil.” All of them, according to the historian, amounted to expanding the rights of the autocrat and narrowing the independence of representative institutions. Finally, having edited the text for the third time, Alexander I on November 15, 1815 approved the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland. According to the constitution, the Polish people will have popular representation - the Sejm, consisting of the king and two chambers. The upper house is the Senate. Its members were appointed by the emperor for life. The Senate performed legislative functions. The lower chamber of the Sejm is the chamber of deputies and ambassadors. The constitution stipulated the acquisition of voting rights (they were received by all nobles who have reached the age of 21 and own real estate, other citizens who own real estate and pay taxes for it, all rectors and vicars, professors, teachers, artists). Articles on the relationship between the Sejm and the Emperor , were of a dual nature: some articles assigned only executive power to the tsar, others expanded the limits of the tsar's competence, for example, equated him with the Sejm in matters of legislation, and still others generally proclaimed the priority of supreme power over the Sejm. Thus, in the introduction of the constitution in Poland, there is a tendency to combine unlimited autocracy with a constitutional system to such an extent that, even after granting constitutional rights, the decisive word was left to the supreme power. But in spite of everything, even with such limitations, the Polish constitution of 1815 was a very bold step forward. On March 15, 1818, the opening of the first all-Polish Sejm took place. At the opening, the emperor delivered a speech in which he expressed his plans for the introduction of a constitutional system in Russia. This speech caused a lot of dissatisfied reviews. The nobility was frightened for their position, the dignitaries believed that Russia was not yet ripe for the introduction of a constitution, the landlords saw the impending liberation of the peasants, but no one could believe that the emperor wanted to voluntarily limit his power. Closing the Sejm, Alexander highly appreciated his activities and said that the Polish experience would be useful to him in the future, thereby reminding everyone of his promise. The preparation of a draft Russian constitution began under the leadership of Novosiltsev. The decision to practically begin to implement the promises given by Alexander was given only after serious consideration, because the emperor understood that none of the aristocracy and officials would support him in this matter. Therefore, this step towards a new device is important - Alexander hoped for the implementation of changes. Actively begun work on the project ran into problems arising in connection with the introduction of the future constitution, so it gradually slowed down. Alexander I himself took part in the development. And in October 1819, the foundations of the future Russian constitution were approved in Warsaw. According to the “Summary of the Fundamentals”, the emperor was granted executive power, he was declared the supreme head of the church and state, he had all the military forces at his disposal, declared the beginning and end of the war, and concluded treaties. “In the chapter “Legislation”, which is very important, there is not a word about the prerogatives of the emperor. True, the formula contained in the document: "The supreme power is indivisible and belongs to the person of the monarch" - left a wide field for unpredictable expansion of the rights of the emperor in the future constitution, and especially in its application in practice. In the judicial branch of power, the emperor retained the right to pardon, which placed him above the entire judicial system. Also, the emperor could convene, dissolve the diet, renew deputies, make the final choice of deputies to parliament from elected candidates. The project traces the bourgeois principle of the equality of all citizens before the law. Parliament (Sejm) should consist of two chambers: the upper - the Senate, whose members were appointed by the king, and the lower - the chamber of elected deputies. Russia was to be divided into 10 governorships, which would be divided into provinces. The provinces should be divided into counties, which, in turn, into districts. Each viceroyalty should have its own Seim (but the tasks of the "viceroyalty" Seimas were not defined in the documents). Each governorate had a court of appeal. In general, the project bore the features of a bourgeois structure, but the presence of the monarch in all affairs of the state showed how strong feudal remnants were still. The draft constitution was finalized during the stay of Alexander I in Warsaw in 1820. The constitution was drawn up in two copies - in Russian and French. In the Russian version, it was called "State statutory charter of the Russian Empire." The "Charter" contained significant differences from the "Summary of the Fundamentals" and was less restrictive of the monarchy. A manifesto was prepared on the introduction of popular representation, and it was supposed to open the way to a constitutional monarchy. Together with this manifesto, it was supposed to announce the destruction of the Polish constitution and the transformation of Poland into a governorship. However, neither the manifestos nor the Charter itself were ever made public. The fear of the noble opposition again affected. So the promulgation of the Charter began to be delayed, and by 1823 it became clear that the emperor would never implement this project.

The government of Alexander I, having abandoned the fundamental changes in the political sphere, returned to the former unpromising practice of private changes, designed only to renew the existing system.

Thus, the actions of the emperor in the sphere of state reforms were unfinished. Alexander had many plans that could not be realized. The active undertakings of each reform were hampered, not brought to an end, sometimes the reform was practically not carried out, and the foundations of autocracy remained unshakable.

Peasant question.

Alexander I ascended the throne already with the idea of ​​abolishing serfdom. He immediately banned the distribution of state peasants into private ownership. Conversations in the Secret Committee did not give definite results. The only thing that the members of the committee agreed on was to approve the principle of gradualism. This, at first glance, reasonable principle (because the situation in the country was tense) turned out to be a strong brake on the solution of the peasant question. A definite program for the liberation of the peasants was not even in the head of the emperor. Therefore, nothing was done except an unsystematic discussion of private measures. The emperor was pleased when the reform initiative came from the landowners themselves. So, for example, in November 1802, S.P. Rumyantsev proposed to Alexander to allow the landowners to release the peasants for ransom, but not one by one, as was the case before, but by entire communities with allotment of land to them. Rumyantsev believed that such a measure was very beneficial for the landowners in economic terms, and therefore slavery could be eradicated in this way. But the authorities were afraid to issue a law of this nature common to all the peasants, for the landlords might show dissatisfaction with too drastic measures, and the peasantry should vainly hope for a speedy liberation. Therefore, the Indispensable Council proposed to issue not a general provision, but a private “decree on free cultivators” addressed to S.P. Rumyantsev, assuming that the rest of the landowners would follow his example. The decree contains 10 articles, which stipulate the conditions for the vacation of peasants, the principles of calculation for freedom, the rights and obligations of "free cultivators". For example, Article 3 contains a sanction for non-fulfillment of the contract by the peasants. They returned to the landlord with land and family in the former serfdom. Article 8 reveals the powers of free cultivators as owners of land: “They will have the right to sell it, mortgage it and leave it as a legacy, without splitting, however, plots of less than 8 acres, they also have the right to buy land again, and therefore move from one province to another. another, but not otherwise than with the knowledge of the Treasury for the transfer of their capitation salary and recruitment duty ". It soon became clear that it was completely unprofitable for the landowner to release the peasants in whole communities and switch to free hired labor. During the period from 1804 to 1825, only 160 agreements of this type were concluded - the decree on free cultivators did not give significant results.

This was followed by a lull in the peasant question until the end of the Patriotic War. The war of 1812 stirred up national self-consciousness, gave a strong impetus to its social awakening. Returning from the war, the peasants - the liberators of Europe had to work again for the landowner. This, of course, caused discontent. In addition, during foreign campaigns, the army saw with its own eyes a different way of life, a different way of doing business. Therefore, it would not be surprising if the peasants, returning home, took up arms again in order to fight the feudal system. Of course, the supreme power understood that the peasant question must be dealt with first of all. However, they understood, but no one could dare to declare it publicly, and even more so to carry out any transformations in life. Alexander I was a staunch opponent of serfdom, but at the same time he could not even determine for himself the principles for reorganizing the serf village.

Since 1816, Alexander I began to actively search for a solution to the peasant problem. The impetus for this was the initiative of the Estonian nobility, who declared their readiness to free the serfs. In the Baltic provinces (Livland, Courland, Estland) there was no serfdom in such extreme manifestations. The level of development of commodity-money relations was higher than in central Russia. And most importantly, the landowners understood the economic unprofitability of serfdom. In the previous decade, the Estonian peasants were assigned the right to movable property and inheritance of farms, the duties of the peasants were clearly defined depending on the quantity and quality of the land. In May 1816, Alexander I approved a new regulation on the Estonian peasants. Article 3 of the first chapter of the “Regulations on the Estonian Peasants of 1816” states: “As a result of the above rules, it is forbidden for Estonian peasants without land, or with land, individually or in families, to sell, donate, assign, pledge, or otherwise strengthen for someone” . And another article (16) says that "the landowner retains full ownership of the land, which is why he is allowed to have supervision over the deanery of the secular societies on his estate and the peasants living in it." Thus, the peasants received personal freedom, but were deprived of the right to land, which remained the property of the landowner. In fact, the peasants were not completely freed from the landowner, they only acquired personal rights, not civil ones. But it is impossible not to notice such a decisive step - Alexander I showed his readiness to abolish serfdom not only in words, but also in deeds.

Alexander secretly instructed Kochubey to develop rules for the transition to a free state of landlord peasants. Kochubey dealt with this issue, but, delivered to the tsar at the end of 1817, the "Rules" did not meet the tsar's expectations. In the project, Kochubey did not raise the question of the abolition of serfdom at all, but proposed to regulate the relationship between landowners and peasants. The emperor, in particular, did not like the two measures provided for in the draft - the prohibition of the peasant transition and the right of the landowner to sell the estate together with the peasants, as well as a number of paragraphs restricting the right of peasant ownership of land. In general, Kochubey's project was of a feudal nature, so he was criticized in government circles, among Alexander's closest associates. But at the same time, it cannot be argued that the emperor himself had any specific program that would run counter to Kochubey's project. In the minds of the emperor and his closest assistant, Novoseltsev, there were only outlines of such a program. “These are ideas about the need for a general reform of serf relations, about the personal freedom of the peasant, the main component of which is the guarantee of free transition, about ensuring the right of peasants to movable and immovable property, and, finally, an unclearly formulated thesis about a “fair” settlement of mutual obligations of landlords and peasants” .

On the night of March 11, 1801, Pavel Petrovich was killed in his bedroom, in the newly built Mikhailovsky Castle, by conspirators - guards officers (there were several dozen in all). The conspiracy was led by the military governor-general of St. Petersburg, Count Palen. Apparently, Paul knew about this conspiracy. According to some reports, the officers, weighed down by Pavel’s manner of commanding the troops, even offered Suvorov to take part in restoring order in the country, to which the field marshal allegedly replied with a patter: “I can’t, the blood of fellow citizens.” Being a convinced monarchist, although he did not like Paul, he nevertheless refused to take part in anything like a civil war.

This conspiracy was of the guards, there were no ordinary infantry army officers there, and if there were, then those who had recently been exiled. Palen, having become the governor-general of St. Petersburg, concentrated colossal power in his hands, since he controlled virtually everything that happened in the capital, and, apparently, earned the full confidence of the emperor. At the same time, Palen understood that the most thoughtful and accurately executed conspiracy was probably doomed to failure if the heir, the eldest son of Emperor Paul, the future Emperor Alexander Pavlovich, did not take part in it.

Alexander was brought up by his grandmother in a very liberal spirit, while sensitivity coexisted in him, as sometimes happens, with cruelty. On the one hand, intelligence and dreaminess, on the other, an underestimation of events and amazing political naivety. Talking to Alexander that Russia was perishing, that the army was being destroyed, that the emperor was mentally ill, etc., Palen involved him in a conspiracy, and there was no question of killing the emperor, and when Alexander began to guess something, (48) he convinced that the emperor would simply be offered to abdicate. Subsequently, Palen, with amazing cynicism, said that he did not seriously think about fulfilling the promises given to Alexander, because he was well aware that in such a situation there could be no talk of renunciation, and he deliberately deceived the heir with the best of intentions, not wanting to burden his conscience .

The plot matured pretty quickly. Officers who had personal reasons to be offended or dissatisfied were found, especially since Paul, after 5 years of his reign, gave amnesty to all those who were exiled. They were returned to Petersburg, but on the orders of Palen they were not allowed to go there. They stayed at inns, lived in poverty, unable to settle in the city and without receiving any provision, and their embittered mood quickly spread in the form of rumors about the next whim of the emperor. There were a lot of rumors, and the conspirators spread them very skillfully.

On the eve of the conspiracy, Palen already had enough assistants at hand, including the main one - the famous General Benningsen from the Baltic Germans. Late in the evening, a friendly dinner was arranged in one of the apartments with plentiful libations, after which the officers, already trained, went in several groups to the Mikhailovsky Castle, guarded by the guard of the Semenovsky regiment, whose chief was Grand Duke Alexander Pavlovich. Only two haiduks, standing directly at the chambers of the emperor, tried to resist, but one of them was immediately killed, and the other was seriously wounded. Inflamed with wine and hatred, the conspirators ran into the emperor's bedroom, but for some time they could not find him, because he was not on the bed. General Benningsen with a candle very carefully began to examine the chambers and saw that the emperor was hiding in the fireplace behind the screen. He entered into a conversation with the emperor, recommending that he remain calm, after which Benningsen was very interested in the paintings that hung in the hallway. It was the dead of night - the most suitable time for contemplating the paintings, but he went out to see them, because he was a subtle connoisseur of beauty. As soon as he left, one of the Zubov brothers, Nikolai, completely drunk, hit the emperor in the face with his fist, a snuffbox was clutched in his fist. The emperor was both beaten and strangled. Several officers strangled him, and the palm should be given to Skaryatin, and it is difficult to say who beat him; he was beaten so that for more than 30 hours the body could not be put up for parting, and theatrical make-up artists tried to put it in order, making up monstrous bruises. In the coffin, the body of the emperor lay, dressed in a uniform, a scarf and some kind of scarves almost to the eyes, and there was also a hat on top so that no one could see the consequences of the work done by the brave guardsmen that hard night.

From the book History of Russia from Rurik to Putin. People. Events. Dates author

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From the book Chronology of Russian History. Russia and the world author Anisimov Evgeny Viktorovich

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From the book History of France in three volumes. T. 2 author Skazkin Sergey Danilovich

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Chapter Two Coup d'état

From the book Complete Works. Volume 14. September 1906 - February 1907 author Lenin Vladimir Ilyich

WRITING A SUMMARY Preparation for the implementation of part 1 of the GIA task STATEMENT is the transfer in writing of the content of the text read or listened to. Types of presentation: a detailed summary with elements of composition correctly highlight macro- and micro-themes of the text, master the skills of compressing the text logically, harmoniously, without distortion, convey the content of the source text in your own statement, using compression methods, maintain stylistic and stylistic unity in the work and observe speech norms, build a statement, taking into account the author's attitude to the problem IMPORTANT! In a condensed presentation, it is necessary to preserve all the micro-themes of the original text. But the number of paragraphs in a condensed presentation may differ from the number of paragraphs in the author's text. The division into paragraphs of a condensed presentation corresponds to the plan drawn up by the student after the first reading of the text. TECHNIQUES OF COMPRESSION (COMPRESSION) OF THE TEXT exclusion generalization simplification EXCLUSION - the ability to remove words or sentences from the text without violating its semantic and speech integrity. GENERALIZATION - identifying common features of objects in the area under consideration SIMPLIFICATION - replacing complex syntactic structures with simpler ones (complex sentences - simple ones, direct speech indirect, part of the text in one sentence) EXCLUSION OF ADDITIONAL INFORMATION You can exclude: examples of the same type, - rhetorical questions, exclamations, - quotes, - details that do not affect the train of thought, - explanations, descriptions, reasoning, - sentence words that can be deleted without damaging the text. In case of exclusion, it is necessary to: 1. Select the main (key) words from the point of view of the main idea of ​​the text. 2. Remove details and details. 3. Combine what has been received using the main means of communication between sentences GENERALIZATION (OR UNION) You can generalize: - parceled sentences. - a series of sentences connected by one thought. parts of complex sentences. - specific single facts, events, phenomena. When combining, it is necessary: ​​1. Find small single facts in the text. 2. Identify common. 3. Combine facts based on common. 4. Formulate the rest into sentences. REPLACEMENT You can replace: - homogeneous sentences with a generalizing word; - complex sentences simple; - parts of a sentence or a series of sentences by a common concept or expression; - direct indirect speech; - part of the text in one sentence. When replacing, it is necessary: ​​1. Find words, semantic parts or sentences that can be shortened by replacing with a generalizing word. 2. Formulate this proposal. Let's try it in practice Mom has been gone for a long time ... And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, mom ...” She told her relatives, friends and even very close ones what kind of son she had: she really wanted people to treat me well, respect me . I really tried to save her from illnesses, from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her infrequent requests. And he didn’t express the words with which he is now so overwhelmed that they rise to the throat. Alas, we realize much belatedly, when nothing can be corrected. Sometimes I forgot to call at the appointed time. "I understand how busy you are!" Sometimes he got annoyed over trifles ... "I understand how tired you are!" She tried to understand everything, proceeding from the interests of her son, which were sometimes higher than the truth for her. If you could call now, come running, express! Late. (119 words) We use different techniques: And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, mom ...” This is direct speech. REPLACE: And I still mentally ask my mother for forgiveness. We use different methods: She told relatives, acquaintances and even not very close ones what kind of son she had: she really wanted people to treat me well, respect me. I really tried to save her from illnesses, from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her infrequent requests. These are sentences with homogeneous members. EXCLUDING THEM, REPLACING WITH OTHER WORDS: She told everyone what a good son she had, because she wanted to be treated well, respected me. I also tried to save her from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her requests. We use different techniques: But the words that are now so overflowing that they rise to the throat, I did not express. This is a complex sentence, EXCLUDING THE SUDDENDENT: But I didn’t find the right words, I didn’t express it. We use different techniques: Alas, we realize much belatedly, when nothing can be corrected. Sometimes I forgot to call at the appointed time. TRYING TO ELIMINATE INTRODUCTORY WORDS We realize a lot too late, when nothing can be changed. We use different techniques: It happened that I forgot to ring at the appointed hour. "I understand how busy you are!" Sometimes he got annoyed over trifles ... "I understand how tired you are!" She tried to understand everything, proceeding from the interests of her son, which were sometimes higher than the truth for her. If you could call now, come running, express! Late. WE SUMMARIZE A FEW SUGGESTIONS How often I forgot to call, got annoyed over trifles, And my mother tried to understand everything: the interests of her son are higher than the truth for her. Now you won’t call, you won’t come running, you won’t express. Late. What happened? Mom has been gone for a long time ... And I still mentally ask her for forgiveness. Mom told everyone what a good son she had because she wanted me to be treated well. I also tried to save her from everyday hardships, I wanted to say a lot of good things, but I could not find the right words. Much we realize too late, when nothing can be changed. I forgot to call, got annoyed over trifles. And my mother tried to understand everything: the interests of her son are higher than the truth for her. Now you can't fix anything. Late. (80 words)

Highlighting the micro-topics of the text, we thereby draw up its plan, a well-written plan is an excellent tool for writing a presentation. LET'S TRY! (You have the text on the tables) Micro-theme. the theme of each semantic part of the text, which reflects part of the general theme, the same for the entire text.

Text of the Microtopic Forgive me, Mom Mom has long been gone ... And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, Mom ...” She told her relatives, friends and even not very close ones, what kind of son she had: she really wanted people to treat me well respected me. I really tried to save her from illnesses, from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her infrequent requests. And he didn’t express the words with which he is now so overwhelmed that they rise to the throat. Alas, we realize much belatedly, when nothing can be corrected. Sometimes I forgot to call at the appointed time. "I understand how busy you are!" Sometimes he got annoyed over trifles ... "I understand how tired you are!" She tried to understand everything, proceeding from the interests of her son, which were sometimes higher than the truth for her. If you could call now, come running, express! Late. "Take care of mothers!" - one venerable poet proclaimed in a poem. It would be nice to add: “Take care of mothers the way they take care of us!” This call would look beautiful, but unreal: what a mother can do, only she can. Now I think that sometimes we too thoughtlessly accept the sacrifices of our mothers. Accepting them, we are obliged to ask ourselves every time the question: “Does not the mother give us the last? Doesn't it give away something without which a person cannot survive on earth? The sacrifice of maternal feeling is natural, but our readiness to resist the noble “unreasonableness” of maternal generosity must also be natural. “In agony, we remember our mother,” wrote N.A. Nekrasov. And for salvation from childhood ailments, we also turn to her. "It's okay, I'm with you. Everything will pass ... "- whispers mom. And the disease recedes, because She is near. “Oh, if only it were so forever!” I come to my mother, bend over a granite slab. Sometimes in reality, sometimes mentally... In time, during their lifetime, we must tell our mothers everything good that we can say, and do everything good that we can do for them. Forgive me, Mom ... (According to A. Aleksin) 284 words 1. Mom has long been gone ... And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, Mom ...” 2. We sometimes Too thoughtlessly accept the sacrifices of our mothers 3. Must be natural our willingness to resist the noble "irrationality" of maternal generosity. 4. “In agony we remember our mother”, 5. In time, during their lifetime, we must say everything good and do everything good for them

Reminder: text reduction techniques - exclusion of additional information; -replacement of homogeneous members with a generalizing word, -exclusion of participial and adverbial phrases, means of expression; - transformation of complex sentences into simple ones; -replacement of direct speech by indirect. WE SPECIFY:

Exceptions You can exclude: - introductory words, - homogeneous members of a sentence, - repetitions, - examples of the same type, - rhetorical questions, exclamations, - quotes, - details that do not affect the train of thought, - explanations, descriptions, reasoning, - sentence words, which can be removed without damaging the text. In case of exclusion, it is necessary to: Highlight the main (key) words from the point of view of the main idea of ​​the text. Remove details and details. Combine received, using the main means of communication between proposals

Generalization or association 1. Packaged proposals. 2. A number of sentences connected by one thought. 3. Parts of complex sentences. 4. Concrete single facts, events, phenomena. When combining, it is necessary: ​​1. Find small single facts in the text. 2. Identify common. 3. Combine facts based on common. 4. Formulate the rest into sentences.

Replacement You can replace: -homogeneous sentences with a generalizing word; - complex sentences simple; -parts of a sentence or a series of sentences with a common concept or expression; - direct indirect speech; - part of the text in one sentence. When replacing, it is necessary: ​​-Find words, semantic parts or sentences that can be shortened by replacing with a generalizing word. - Formulate this proposal.

Let's try it in practice. Let's shorten the first paragraph Mom has long been gone ... And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, mom ...” She told her relatives, friends and not even very close ones what kind of son she had: she really wanted people to treat me well, respect me . I really tried to save her from illnesses, from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her infrequent requests. And he didn’t express the words with which he is now so overwhelmed that they rise to the throat. Alas, we realize much belatedly, when nothing can be corrected. Sometimes I forgot to call at the appointed time. "I understand how busy you are!" Sometimes he got annoyed over trifles ... "I understand how tired you are!" She tried to understand everything, proceeding from the interests of her son, which were sometimes higher than the truth for her. If you could call now, come running, express! Late. (119 words) And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, mom ...” She told relatives, friends and even not very close ones what kind of son she had: she really wanted people to treat me well, respect me. I really tried to save her from illnesses, from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her infrequent requests. And he didn’t express the words with which he is now so overwhelmed that they rise to the throat.

We use different techniques And I still mentally say: “Forgive me, mom ...” This is a direct speech. REPLACE: And I still mentally ask my mother for forgiveness. She told relatives, acquaintances and even not very close ones what kind of son she had: she really wanted people to treat me well, respect me. I really tried to save her from illnesses, from everyday hardships, I was in a hurry to fulfill her infrequent requests. - These are sentences with homogeneous members. EXCLUDING THEM, REPLACING WITH OTHER WORDS: She told everyone what a good son she had, because she wanted to be treated well, respected me. I also tried to save her from worldly hardships, in a hurry to fulfill her requests. And he didn’t express the words with which he is now so overwhelmed that they rise to the throat. A complex sentence, EXCLUDING THE SUDDENDENT: But I didn’t find the right words, I didn’t express it.

Alas, we realize much belatedly, when nothing can be corrected. Sometimes I forgot to call at the appointed time. "I understand how busy you are!" Sometimes he got annoyed over trifles ... "I understand how tired you are!" She tried to understand everything, proceeding from the interests of her son, which were sometimes higher than the truth for her. If you could call now, come running, express! Late. WE TRY TO EXCLUDE THE INTRODUCTORY WORDS (alas, it HAPPENED), TO REPLACE A NUMBER OF SENTENCES WITH ONE EXPRESSION: We realize a lot too late, when nothing can be changed. How often I forgot to call, got annoyed over trifles, And my mother tried to understand everything: the interests of her son are higher than the truth for her. Now you won’t call, you won’t come running, you won’t express. Late.

So what did we get? Mom has been gone for a long time ... And I still mentally ask her for forgiveness. Mom told everyone what a good son she had because she wanted me to be treated well. I also tried to save her from everyday hardships, I wanted to say a lot of good things, but I could not find the right words. Much we realize too late, when nothing can be changed. I forgot to call, got annoyed over trifles. And my mother tried to understand everything: the interests of her son are higher than the truth for her. Now you can't fix anything. Late. (80 words)

Using different methods of text compression, try to reduce it as much as possible. "Take care of mothers!" - one venerable poet proclaimed in a poem. It would be nice to add: “Take care of mothers the way they take care of us!” This call would look beautiful, but unreal: what a mother can do, only she can. Now I think that sometimes we too thoughtlessly accept the sacrifices of our mothers. Accepting them, we are obliged to ask ourselves every time the question: “Does not the mother give us the last? Doesn't it give away something without which a person cannot survive on earth? The sacrifice of maternal feeling is natural, but our readiness to resist the noble "unreasonableness" of maternal generosity must also be natural. “In agony, we remember our mother,” wrote N. A. Nekrasov. And for salvation from childhood ailments, we also turn to her. "It's okay, I'm with you. Everything will pass ... "- whispers mom. And the disease recedes, because She is near. “Oh, if only it were so forever!” I come to my mother, bend over a granite slab. Sometimes in reality, sometimes mentally... In time, during their lifetime, we must tell our mothers everything good that we can say, and do everything good for them that we can do. Forgive me mom

Thus, we completed our task, managed to: 1. Convey the main content of the listened text, reflecting all the micro-themes that are important for its perception. 2. Correctly apply at least 2 different methods of text compression (exclusion, generalization, simplification) and used them to compress at least microtext text. 3. Saved the semantic integrity, speech coherence and consistency of presentation

Text from the Russian language test in grade 9 (in the format of a new form of final assessment). ADMINISTRATION of Vladimir Education Department CITY INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY CENTER