Former leader of the Yabloko party

Yavlinsky, Grigory

Former leader of the Yabloko party

Russian politician and economist, former chairman of the Russian United Party Yabloko (ROPD Yabloko) (left his post in June 2008), a member of its political committee since 2008. Since 2011 - head of the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. In 1994-2003, he headed the party faction in the State Duma. Twice - in 1996 and 1999 - he ran for the presidency of the Russian Federation, took fourth and third places. In 1991 - Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR Government, Deputy Chairman of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy (KOUNH). In 1990, he served as Deputy Chairman of the Government of the RSFSR. In the summer of 1990, he prepared the program "500 days". He opposed the economic reforms carried out by Yegor Gaidar in 1991-92, the privatization of 1992-94, developed by Anatoly Chubais, the forceful solution of the Chechen conflict. Doctor of Economic Sciences. Twice champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

Yavlinsky studied first at a secondary school, then at an evening school for working youth. In his certificate, among the "fives" there was only one "four" - in the Ukrainian language,. Simultaneously with his studies in 1968-69, he worked as a postman, an apprentice for a master at a leather goods factory, and as an instrument fitter at the Raduga glass factory. Actively went in for sports. Twice, in 1967 and 1969, he became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors,,. Initially, Yavlinsky wanted to become a policeman, then, under the influence of his father, a teacher, and only after becoming interested in pricing issues, an economist. According to him, in connection with this, while still at school, he read Karl Marx's "Capital", , , , , , .

In 1969, Yavlinsky entered the general economic faculty of the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy (MINH). In 1973 he graduated from it and immediately, on the recommendation of the academic council of the university, he entered graduate school. In Yavlinsky's diploma, most of the grades were "five", there were several "fours" and one "three",. During his studies, he twice won the institute competition of jokes and once fought with the Komsomol organizer of the faculty, after which the question was raised about his expulsion from the Komsomol,. The fight happened in Czechoslovakia, where students were doing their practice, in a bathhouse while talking about politics. The reason was the statement of the Komsomol organizer about the admissibility of the destruction of a large number of people to build socialism. In response, Yavlinsky called the Komsomol functionary "a cannibal, a Stalinist and a Maoist" and hit him with a bath basin. However, in the end, the Komsomol meeting of the university, which discussed Yavlinsky's behavior, not only did not expel him from the Komsomol, but even gave him a recommendation to the party,. In 1976, Yavlinsky defended his dissertation for the degree of candidate of economic sciences on the topic "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry", , , , , .

In 1976-77, Yavlinsky worked as a senior engineer, and in 1978-80, as a senior researcher at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal). He was engaged in the rationing of the work of workers and engineers of mines and cuts. In connection with this, he traveled a lot around the country, spent a long time in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk. During a visit to one of the cuts, he had an industrial accident - for several hours, together with a group of workers and employees, he was in a flooded mine. They were rescued, but three of the people involved in the accident died in the hospital from hypothermia. The result of Yavlinsky's work at the All-Russian Research Institute was the development of a qualification handbook that normalizes job rates and volumes of tasks for various positions in the coal industry,,,,,.

In 1980, Yavlinsky was appointed head (according to other sources, deputy head) of the heavy industry sector of the Labor Research Institute (Research Institute of Labor) of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs. In 1982 he became the head of the labor management sector of the department of general problems of this institute,,. In May 1982, he wrote a report "On the improvement of the economic mechanism in the USSR", where he warned of the possibility of an economic crisis in the absence of serious economic transformations. The report was released in a limited edition under the heading "For Official Use". In July, Yavlinsky was summoned to the first department of the institute (which was part of the KGB structure for Soviet enterprises and research institutes, which was involved in maintaining the secrecy regime), and the manuscript of the report and drafts were confiscated. According to Yavlinsky, after that, until the death of General Secretary of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev in November of the same year, he went to the department almost daily and answered the question of where he got the information and conclusions for the report. Once Yavlinsky replied that from an analysis of the works of Marx,,,,.

Since 1984, Yavlinsky worked in the system of the State Committee for Labor. Until 1985, he was deputy head of the consolidated department for labor and social issues, in 1985-88 - deputy head of the department for improving management systems. In 1986, together with colleagues, he prepared a draft law on a state-owned enterprise, which was rejected by the government. In 1989, he became the head of the Department of Social Development and Population,,,.

At the end of 1989 (according to other sources, in 1990), Yavlinsky moved to the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the post of head of the consolidated economic department. According to media reports, Yavlinsky received this post thanks to the patronage of the academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the first deputy chairman of the USSR government Leonid Abalkin, with whom he often worked on scientific issues before. In July-August, together with Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Stanislav Shatalin, Yavlinsky headed a group of economists who developed the 500 Days program, a plan for transforming the Soviet economy into a market one, on the general order of the governments of the USSR and the RSFSR. In August, Yavlinsky was appointed First Deputy of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. Despite the fact that the program "500 days" was approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and the Supreme Soviets of the Union Republics, its adoption was delayed. In this regard, in October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned,,,.

After leaving the government, Yavlinsky created and headed the research institute "Center for Economic and Political Research - EPIcenter". Under the leadership of Yavlinsky, the employees of the EPIcenter, together with scientists from Harvard University (USA), developed a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system "Consent for a Chance". The program was not implemented , , , .

After the August 1991 coup (an attempted coup d'etat by the State Committee for the State of Emergency, or GKChP), the government of the USSR actually collapsed. Management of the economy was transferred to a specially created committee for the operational management of the national economy (KOUNH), headed by Ivan Silaev. Yavlinsky (along with the President of the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR Arkady Volsky and Deputy Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov) was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Committee with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister by decree of the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev. The working group headed by him prepared an agreement "On economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR", the purpose of which was to preserve the common economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of its future political structure. In October, the agreement was signed by representatives of ten union republics and ratified by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. However, Russia's first president, Boris Yeltsin, strongly opposed the treaty. In his opinion, without economic obligations to the less developed republics, Russia could quickly switch to a market economy. In November, Yeltsin offered Yavlinsky the post of prime minister in the government of the RSFSR on the condition of severing economic ties with other republics. Yavlinsky refused the offer. As a result, Yegor Gaidar became Deputy Prime Minister responsible for economic reforms. Yavlinsky, on the day after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords on December 8, 1991 (signed by Yeltsin and the heads of Ukraine and Belarus Stanislav Shushkevich and Leonid Kravchuk, agreements on the dissolution of the USSR and the creation of the Union of Independent States, or CIS) left the government, after which the KOUNH ceased to exist,, , , , , , .

In January 1992, Yavlinsky again headed the EPIcenter. In the spring, a group of economists under his leadership prepared an alternative project to Gaidar's reforms. Yavlinsky repeatedly accused Gaidar and Yeltsin of excessive radicalism in the liberalization (holiday) of prices and inattention to the social consequences of such actions. In May-November 1992, EPIcenter, together with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, headed by Boris Nemtsov, developed a program of regional reforms. Thanks to this program of price liberalization in the Nizhny Novgorod region, the stabilization of the economy was preceded by, in particular, the first issue of regional loan bonds in the Russian Federation,. In 1993-94, Yavlinsky led the development of the Moscow Privatization project, which was an alternative to the privatization plans of the head of the State Property Committee, Anatoly Chubais. In 1995, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov approved the Yavlinsky program,,,,,.

After Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of parliament in September 1993 and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council to remove the president from power, Yavlinsky proposed calling early presidential and parliamentary elections,,,.

In December 1993, Yavlinsky participated in the elections to the State Duma as chairman of the electoral bloc "Yavlinsky - Boldyrev - Lukin" - "Yabloko". Yavlinsky's deputies in the block were scientist and diplomat Vladimir Lukin and EPIcenter employee Yuri Boldyrev. The creators of Yabloko considered it a democratic alternative to the current government. In the elections, the bloc received 7.86 percent of the votes , , , , .

In November 1994, immediately after the start of the first Chechen conflict (1994-1996), Yavlinsky took a tough anti-war stance. In November-December 1994, he offered himself as a hostage in exchange for Russian prisoners of war captured by Chechen separatists during a tank attack on Grozny,. Later, Yavlinsky took an anti-war position during the beginning of the second Chechen campaign in the fall of 1999. Through the media, he criticized the head of RAO "UES" and co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces (SPS) Chubais for saying that "the Russian army will be reborn in Chechnya",. Yavlinsky called for negotiations with the head of the separatists, Aslan Maskhadov, and at the same time demanded that the government fight precisely with terrorists,,,,,.

In January 1995, on the basis of the block of the same name, the Yabloko public movement was created. Yavlinsky became its chairman. In December of the same year, as the leader of the movement, he participated in the elections to the State Duma. As a result of the elections, Yabloko received 6.89 percent of the votes,,,,,.

In 1996, Yavlinsky was nominated by Yabloko as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. In the elections held on June 16, he won 7.4 percent of the vote, finishing fourth after the current President of the Russian Federation Yeltsin (35.8 percent), the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov (32.5 percent) and General Alexander Lebed (14.7 percent). In the second round of elections, which included Yeltsin and Zyuganov, Yavlinsky opposed both candidates. Lebed supported Yeltsin, who was elected president for the second time on July 3, with 53.82 percent of the vote,,.

In September 1998, after the State Duma twice refused to approve the candidacy of Viktor Chernomyrdin proposed by Yeltsin for the post of prime minister (he held this post in 1992-98), Yavlinsky proposed a compromise figure for Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov to replace the prime minister. After his appointment, Primakov offered Yavlinsky the post of First Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, but he refused. The reason for the refusal was disagreement with the economic program of the new chairman of the cabinet of ministers,,.

In December 1999, the Yabloko association headed by Yavlinsky again participated in the State Duma elections, gaining 5.98 percent of the vote and barely overcoming the five percent barrier established by law. The media explained this by Yavlinsky's position on Chechnya, which does not take into account the current mood of the voters, and by the good financing of Yabloko's main rival, the SPS,,,,,.

In January 2000, Yavlinsky again participated in the presidential elections in the Russian Federation. He won 5.8 percent of the vote and took third place, behind Yeltsin's successor, Acting President and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (52.94 percent) and Zyuganov (29.21 percent). Observers noted that Yavlinsky's participation in the elections was largely nominal - he had no chance of becoming president and only represented the democratic opposition to Putin in the elections (most of Putin's SPS supported,),,,,.

In March 2004, Yavlinsky, by decision of the Yabloko party, refused to participate in the presidential elections in the Russian Federation and, thus, actually boycotted them. This was due to the fact that, according to Yavlinsky, after the election campaign for the election of deputies of the State Duma in 2003 in Russia, there was no opportunity to hold free and fair elections,,.

In February 2005, Yavlinsky defended his dissertation at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI) for the degree of Doctor of Economics. Dissertation topic: "The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization" .

Yavlinsky sharply opposed the criminal prosecution of the head of the Yukos oil company, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, explaining this prosecution with political motives. After Khodorkovsky's conviction in May 2005, Yavlinsky confirmed that he considered the trial, in which he said the formal charges did not coincide with the merits of the case, not legal, but political. At the same time, he noted that "selective repressive measures cannot solve the problem of overcoming the consequences of criminal privatization",,.

In June 2007, at a meeting of Yabloko's federal council, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate in the upcoming March 2008 elections. Novye Izvestia noted that on the eve of the start of the election campaign, his candidacy still had to be approved by the Yabloko congress; At the same time, Yavlinsky himself admitted that, as a result, another person could become a candidate from his party. On September 16, 2007, the party congress approved the final version of the lists of its candidates for participation in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The first three of the federal list of Yabloko were headed by Yavlinsky,.

On December 2, 2007 parliamentary elections were held in Russia. Yabloko again failed to overcome the electoral barrier and get into the State Duma of the fifth convocation: the party won 1.59 percent of the vote.

In March 2008, Yavlinsky was invited to the Kremlin for a personal meeting with Russian President Putin. The details of their conversation remained unknown, it was only reported that in addition to general "issues of the socio-economic development of the country," the position of the opposition in Russia was also discussed. The conversation also touched upon the arrest of the leader of the St. Petersburg branch of Yabloko Maxim Reznik, who was accused of beating a police officer. When Yavlinsky was asked on REN TV whether Putin had made him an offer, the leader of Yabloko did not give a clear answer, repeating several times: "I don't know...",. A few days after Yavlinsky's meeting with Putin, Daniil Kotsiubinsky, a representative of the St. Petersburg branch of Yabloko, suggested that the liberal politician leave the post of party leader. Addressing fellow party members, Kotsyubinsky said that, in his opinion, Yavlinsky, having entered into "secret negotiations with the head of the political regime," endangered the existence of the party as such.

On June 21, at the XV Congress of Yabloko, Yavlinsky refused to be nominated for the post of party leader in favor of the head of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, Sergei Mitrokhin. Explaining his choice, Yavlinsky emphasized that the party must move forward, and its representatives must be given the opportunity to grow and become leaders. "I dream that the party could exist without me - this is the meaning of my life," Yavlinsky said,. On June 22, Mitrokhin was elected the new chairman of the party, - 75 out of 125 delegates (60 percent of the delegates) voted for his candidacy,. After resigning from the post of head of Yabloko, Yavlinsky became a member of the party's political committee.

In December 2009, Yavlinsky became - along with the leader of the organization "Business Russia" and co-chairman of the party "Just Cause" Boris Titov and expert Vladislav Inozemtsev - one of the leaders of the public council "Zamodernization.RU", which was supposed to bring together businessmen and experts to develop a strategy modernization of Russia, .

At the same time, Yavlinsky continued to speak in the media,. Thus, in the spring of 2011, the politician published an article entitled "Lies and Legitimacy" on the Radio Liberty website. In it, Yavlinsky, pointing to the "continuously deepening and turning into an insurmountable split between the government and the people, the state and society" in the country, stated that the power in Russia after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in 1918 remains illegitimate, therefore it is necessary to re-convene this body in order to he restored "genuine Russian statehood."

In the fall of 2011, Yavlinsky topped Yabloko's list in the elections to the Russian State Duma of the sixth convocation. According to the results of the vote that took place on December 4, 2011, the party did not overcome the five percent barrier and did not receive seats in parliament,. Nevertheless, Yabloko managed to get into the legislative assembly of St. Petersburg at the same time: the party received 12.5 percent of the vote and 6 mandates. Yavlinsky, who also headed the party list in these elections, agreed to head the Yabloko faction in St. Petersburg. He received a deputy mandate on December 14, 2011,,,.

On December 19, 2011, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia in the elections, which were scheduled for March 2012,. On January 18, 2012, the politician handed over to the Central Election Commission two million signatures of voters in his support, necessary for participation in the elections. The CEC, after checking the signatures, refused to register Yavlinsky as a candidate, rejecting 25.66 percent of the submitted signatures (according to the law, no more than five percent of the marriage was allowed),. On February 8, 2012, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation considered Yavlinsky's complaint against the decision of the CEC, but recognized the refusal to register as legal.

Yavlinsky is the author of a number of works on economics. Including books - "Analysis of the Economy of the USSR" (1982), "New Management System" (1988), "Prices and Compensations" (1990), "Lessons of Economic Reform" (1993), "Reforms for the Majority" (1995). He regularly lectures on economics at domestic and foreign universities,.

Yavlinsky is married. His wife, Elena Anatolyevna, is an engineer-economist by education, she studied with Yavlinsky at the Moscow Mining Institute. She worked at the Research Institute "Giprouglemash", later she was engaged in housekeeping. The Yavlinskys have two sons, Mikhail and Alexei, born in 1971 and 1981. Mikhail (Yavlinsky's adopted son, was born in his wife's first marriage) graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University, in 2005 he lived in the UK, worked as a journalist. Alexey also moved to the UK, in 2005 he studied at one of the British technical institutes, studied computer science. Yavlinsky also has a brother Mikhail - a Lviv businessman,,,,,.

Yavlinsky runs, sometimes boxing. Hobbies - socializing with friends and family , , .

Used materials

The Supreme Court upheld the CEC's refusal to register Yavlinsky. - RIA News, 08.02.2012

The CEC denied Yavlinsky registration as a presidential candidate. - RIA News, 27.01.2012

Irina Nagornykh, Maxim Ivanov. Candidate screening. - Kommersant, 01/23/2012. - No. 10/P (4795)

Alexey Gorbachev. The apple is ripe. - Independent newspaper, 19.12.2011

Viktor Khamraev. Grigory Yavlinsky is again a candidate. - Kommersant, 12/19/2011. - No. 237/P (4778)

The "SRs" refused to take the mandates of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg from the hands of the head of the electoral committee, unlike Yavlinsky. - RIA News, 14.12.2011

Deputies of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 5th convocation were handed mandates. - RBC, 14.12.2011

The CEC of the Russian Federation announced the official results of the elections to the State Duma. - RBC, 09.12.2011

Yavlinsky will head the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. - ITAR-TASS, 07.12.2011

Yabloko approved the electoral list for the State Duma. - infox.ru, 11.09.2011

"Yabloko" nominated G. Yavlinsky to the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. - Business Petersburg, 07.09.2011

Grigory Yavlinsky. Lies and legitimacy. - Radio Liberty, 06.04.2011

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky is a Russian politician, Doctor of Economics, founder of the opposition Yabloko party. Repeatedly ran for president (1996, 2000 and 2018, registration for the 2012 elections was denied).

A family

Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the Ukrainian city of Lvov. His father, Aleksey Yavlinsky (born 1919), lost his parents during the Civil War, grew up in a labor colony near the village of Kovalevka, Poltava Region, and went to the front in 1942. The battery under his command was the first to enter the Czech city of Olomouc. For front-line exploits, Father Gregory was awarded the Order of the Red Star, the medal "For Military Merit" and the Order of the Patriotic War II degree.

In 1947 Alexey met his future wife Vera Naumovna (born 1924). She was a native of Kharkov, during the war years she lived in evacuation in Tashkent, after the end of the war she moved to Lvov. The wedding took place a month after they met. The couple remained in Lvov: Aleksey graduated from the history department of the local pedagogical university, then the higher school of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, worked with homeless children; Vera graduated from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University and began teaching chemistry at the Forestry Technical University.

The family did not live well, but the parents did their best to give Grigory and his 5-year-old younger brother Mikhail all the best. And if new toys and clothes appeared in the house infrequently, and Grisha saw many fruits only in the picture, then the brothers could always count on quality education and recreation during the holidays.

As a result, Grigory studied with only fives (four in his report card was one - in the Ukrainian language), spent a lot of time reading Russian classics, and began to study English from the age of 6. Yavlinsky was also distinguished by his ability to music - as a child he played the piano. In the first grade, Grisha went to Lviv School No. 3, later he transferred to a special school with in-depth study of the English language.

Youth years

Gregory grew up as a rather thin and shy young man. To overcome the complexes, in 1964 he enrolled in the boxing section and quickly proved himself to be a promising athlete. Coaches noted his iron will, the absence of the slightest self-pity. In 1967 and 1968, Yavlinsky won the 2nd welterweight title among junior boxers. After that, the question arose before the guy: punch the way to professional boxing with gloves or tie it up. He chose the second, by that time he was seriously carried away by the economy.

As the politician himself noted, the starting point was an episode from childhood. He walked down the street, clutching in his hand 6 rubles, which his mother gave him for a soccer ball. In the sports shop it turned out that the ball costs 8 rubles 30 kopecks. The frustrated boy began to rack his brains: why exactly 8.30? And why does a bicycle cost 27 rubles, and a loaf costs 12 kopecks? Who sets prices for things?

Later I learned that the question of price in all economic theories and systems is the most important one. And the one who knows the answer to it becomes either a great scientist or a great financier.

. The purposeful young man was set on fire with the idea of ​​​​entering the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy - the famous Pleshka, where a resident of the province had nothing to even think of entering without money and connections.

Grigory graduated from grade 10 at an evening school for working youth: he himself claimed that the family needed money, his critics believe that the passing score for university applicants for applicants with work experience was lower. There was also a version that Yavlinsky was forced to leave the secondary school because of the scandal - allegedly he was used to solving conflicts not with words, but with his fists. One way or another, he got a job as an electrician at a local glass factory, and in 1969 he entered the Faculty of Labor Economics of the Institute. Plekhanov.

student body

The young man did not feel like a provincial, he easily joined the team of Moscow youth. Studying was given to Grigory effortlessly, because he had a good knowledge base in economic disciplines. But alcohol and tobacco, even in his free student years, were not included in the list of his interests.

Among the best students, Gregory visited Czechoslovakia, although the trip had adverse consequences. Together with the group, he went to the bathhouse, where a scandal broke out between him and the Komsomol organizer: Grisha argued that, given the amount of blood shed for socialism, Soviet people deserve a much more decent life, the opponent replied: “One could have put a hundred times more for socialism of people". The student defended his position not only with his fists, but also with a basin for washing. The Komsomol organizer remained alive, but scribbled complaints to all possible authorities. Paradoxically, the story ended with a recommendation to include Yavlinsky in the ranks of the CPSU.

Together with classmates, Yavlinsky was engaged in "samizdat" - illegally published the student newspaper "We". However, an affair with classmate Elena stopped him from immersing himself in the political environment. In 1973, Grigory graduated from the university with honors and continued his education in graduate school. The topic of his Ph.D. thesis, which he successfully defended in 1976, was "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."

Labor activity

After graduating from graduate school, Yavlinsky began climbing the career ladder from the position of senior engineer at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (then he was promoted to senior researcher). His duties were to compile manuals with instructions for each position, from an ordinary miner to a mine manager.

In those years, Yavlinsky had to travel a lot around the country. He visited all the mining towns, and everywhere he saw the same picture: empty shelves in stores, lack of comfortable housing, transport, complete disregard for labor standards, dirt and devastation all around. Since then, the question “How to make people live and work normally?” stuck firmly in his head.

Once a young specialist, along with colleagues, fell under a blockage and stood for 10 hours waist-deep in icy water. They were rescued, but of the five people, three died in the hospital.

In the early 80s, Yavlinsky moved to the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs, and was the head of the heavy industry sector. For two years he studied ways to improve the economic mechanism in the country, and in 1982 he sent out a report to fellow scientists summarizing the results of his work. The conclusion was this: we must either return to Stalin's times, or provide industry with economic freedom.

Three days after the mailing, Yavlinsky was called to the carpet to the investigator. Visits with questions continued every day, from May to November. November 10 - the day of Brezhnev's death - the investigator said: "You can no longer come." But the misadventures did not end there: a medical examination suddenly revealed acute tuberculosis in Yavlinsky. Despite certificates from other doctors proving that he was healthy, Gregory was sent to a dispensary (according to the recollections of his acquaintances, the conditions there were comparable to prison ones) for 9 months, and in his absence, someone entered his apartment and burned all scientific developments .

After his release, Yavlinsky continued to work for the State Committee for Labor. Over the next five years, he "grew" to the position of head of the department of social development and population. In August 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who taught with Grigory at the Plekhanov Institute, and had just been elected deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, invited Yavlinsky to his commission dealing with economic reforms.

Economic reforms

The 500 Days Program (originally called 400 Days of Trust) was developed by Yavlinsky, Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov and provided for the speedy transfer of the country's economy to a market economy. Boris Yeltsin (at that time Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR) got acquainted with the document, and instructed to create a working group for the further development of the program.

In July 1990, Yavlinsky was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and head of the state commission for economic reforms.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Briefly about the 500 Days Program

On September 1, 1990, the program was presented to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. However, due to disagreements with Nikolai Ryzhkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, who was working on an alternative economic reform program, Grigory Yavlinsky resigned. Together with like-minded people, he created the EPIcenter Center for Economic and Political Research and became its permanent chairman.

In 1991, Yavlinsky continued to cooperate with the authorities: he dealt with macroeconomic issues at the request of Mikhail Gorbachev, his candidacy was considered by Yeltsin for the post of prime minister, but the choice fell on Yegor Gaidar. When Yeltsin signed the Belovezhskaya Pact in December 1991, which severed political and economic relations with the former Soviet republics, Yavlinsky left the government in protest.

EPIcenter continued to develop an alternative to Gaidar's reforms. In particular, Yavlinsky proposed to eliminate the huge cash overhang (money that has settled in the hands of citizens due to the lack of ways to spend it) through the privatization of small private property.

In May 1992, Yavlinsky piloted a regional economic reform program in the Nizhny Novgorod region. At the same time, he joined the editorial board of Novaya Daily Gazeta (future Novaya Gazeta).

In 1993, the economist set about creating a privatization program in Moscow. He proposed to carry out the privatization of state property through auctions: it was proposed to give 10% of the proceeds to the city budget, and 90% to be used for the development of the enterprise being bought out. The management of the repurchased enterprise would be carried out under a contract, and in the event of the failure of the investor, Moscow would have to declare the enterprise bankrupt, appoint a new manager and, after reorganization, put it up for auction again. The main principles that Yavlinsky adhered to in his program were healthy competition, a strict system of antitrust measures and the protection of private property. In 1995, the Moscow government accepted Yavlinsky's program, but reworked the author's version beyond recognition.

Party "Yabloko"

During the political crisis of 1993, Yavlinsky called on the president and parliament to compromise, but then abandoned this idea and condemned the armed rebellion.

Grigory Yavlinsky during the 1991 coup

In the fall, Grigory Yavlinsky announced the creation of the Yabloko electoral bloc, which stood apart from both the Democrats and the Communists. As stated in the faction's manifesto, they advocated democratic values ​​but were critical of the way the government achieved them.

Members of the party, whose leadership also included Yuri Boldyrev and Vladimir Lukin ("Yabloko" - an abbreviation of the names Yavlinsky, Boldyrev, Lukin), took an active part in the development of new economic laws of the country, participated in the investigation of the events of October 1993.

Yabloko members presented their electoral program "There is another way of development." The paper covered the following issues:

1. There are no institutions of rights and freedoms in the country, citizens are not involved in political life, and there is a high risk of becoming a country of “failed democracy”.
2. Monopolies must be destroyed immediately, the country must create conditions for the development of competition and start land reform.
3. In the field of social policy, emphasis should be placed on preschool medicine and secondary education.
4. In order to create a federal state and eliminate separatist sentiments, it is important to pay attention to the development of the system of local governments.
5. The main thesis of the party is not to lie to voters.

In the elections to the State Duma of the 1st convocation, Yabloko won 7.86% of the vote (more than 4.2 million voters) and received 27 seats. Subsequently, the percentage of those who voted for Yabloko decreased: 6.89% in 1995, 5.93% in 1999.

The faction put at the forefront:

1. The maximum approximation of Russian legislation to the European one with the hope of joining the European Union within two decades.
2. Put the Russian economy on the rails of liberalism (simple economic legislation, low taxes, open competition), which was supposed to give impetus to the development of small and medium-sized businesses.
3. To transform Russia into a democratic law-based state that respects all the constitutional rights and freedoms of an ordinary citizen.

The small "Yabloko" has repeatedly gone into opposition to the government: it voted against the budget, twice (in 1997 and 2003) handed a vote of no confidence to the government, opposed the permission to import spent nuclear waste into Russia and for the impeachment of Yeltsin in 1999.

Yavlinsky actively expressed his position on the situation in Chechnya: he advocated the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya and allowing the inhabitants of the republic to independently determine their future fate. During the Second Chechen campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky once again expressed himself against the conduct of hostilities.

Grigory Yavlinsky talks about his program (1995)

During the hostage-taking at the Dubrovka Theater Center (“Nord-Ost”) in 2002, Yavlinsky was among the few politicians with whom the terrorists were ready to negotiate - the reason for this was his critical attitude in the military campaign in Chechnya. Yavlinsky managed to get eight children out of the captured center.

In 2008, Yavlinsky ceased to be the head of Yabloko - his place was taken by the head of the Moscow branch of the party, Sergei Mitrokhin. However, Yavlinsky is still on the political committee of the party.

Presidential elections

In 1996, Grigory Yavlinsky ran for president for the first time. The elections were presented to the Russians as a battle between the “democrat” Yeltsin and the “communist” Zyuganov. Yavlinsky acted as a "third force". The slogan under which the leader of "Yabloko" went to the polls sounded like "Choose a normal person." Later, General Alexander Lebed and ophthalmologist Stanislav Fedorov appeared on the list of candidates.

Yavlinsky's election video, full version

When in 1999 Yeltsin named the candidacy of the prime minister - Vladimir Putin - it was discussed at a meeting of the State Duma. Yavlinsky spoke out against it - the politician believed that a native of the KGB had no place in power. Inside Yabloko, the votes were divided: 40% voted for Putin's candidacy, 17% against, the rest either did not vote or abstained. Yavlinsky himself voted in favor of Vladimir Vladimirovich, asking permission from the other members of the faction.

On December 31, 1999, Yeltsin announced his resignation, and Vladimir Putin became acting president. On January 19, Yavlinsky was nominated for the presidency. The slogan of the second campaign of Gregory: "For Russia without dictators and oligarchs." The politician outlined his ideas in the work “Breakthrough Strategy”.

From the first days of the election race, Yavlinsky refused to cooperate with Putin. The Yabloko leader accused him of unleashing a war in Chechnya, infringing on the free press, and risking the creation of a brutal authoritarian regime. “Putin is a sovereign, I am a liberal and a democrat,” the politician noted. According to the results of the elections on March 26, 2000, Yavlinsky took third place with 5.8% of the vote. Vladimir Putin scored 50.94% and won.

In 2011, in the elections to the State Duma of the VI convocation, Yavlinsky headed the lists of the Yabloko party. According to the voting results, the faction received 3.34% of the votes, while Yavlinsky noted that about 20% of voters voted for Yabloko. Yabloko observers revealed numerous violations at polling stations, which became one of the reasons for thousands of rallies throughout Russia. The people who took to the streets demanded that the “Putin group” be removed from power.

In December 2011, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate during the Yabloko congress. The politician called on like-minded people for a legal and non-violent change of power, advocated the organization of new, fair parliamentary elections, the reform of the judiciary, the restoration of elective governorship, and the elimination of total control over the press.

During the period of registration of candidates for the presidential elections, the CEC refused Yavlinsky: out of 2.08 million signatures, 1.93 million were recognized as reliable. The percentage of falsified or unconfirmed signatures was 2.74% (with an allowed 5% threshold), but the decision of the CEC was final. Yavlinsky called this event politically conditioned; Among the protesters on Bolotnaya Square on February 4, 2012, there were many who demanded the reinstatement of Yavlinsky as a candidate.

Grigory Yavlinsky in the studio of Vladimir Pozner (November 2017)

Personal life of Grigory Yavlinsky

Elena Anatolyevna Smotryaeva (b. 1951), according to information from open sources, worked as a laboratory assistant at the Plekhanov Institute, where she met her future husband.

In 1971, their son Mikhail was born (a theoretical physicist by education, a graduate of Moscow State University, works as a journalist at the BBC). In 1981, the youngest son Alexei was born (a programmer, a specialist in the field of Big Data).

In the spring of 1996, when a prominent Russian politician participated in the presidential campaign that was gaining momentum, a terrible misfortune befell the family. The criminals, whose identity was subsequently never established, kidnapped Mikhail Yavlinsky. The kidnappers got in touch, giving Yavlinsky Sr. a harsh ultimatum: a political career or his son's life. Severed phalanges of fingers were attached to the letter ...

Grigory Yavlinsky about sons

After this threat, the criminals immediately released the young man to freedom. The surgeons managed to restore the hand (although Mikhail could no longer play his favorite piano), but for security reasons, the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to the UK.

Grigory Yavlinsky now

In 2018, Grigory Yavlinsky announced his candidacy for the presidential elections. Voters were presented with the Road to the Future program, the points of which can be summarized as follows:

• End the conflict with Ukraine by recognizing the illegality of Russia's annexation of Crimea, withdrawing Russian troops from the Donbass, and ceasing to cultivate hatred of Ukraine in the state media.
• Gradually withdraw troops from Syria.
• Establish diplomatic relations with Europe and the United States and not interfere in the political life of other countries.
• To begin the "sanation" of internal political and social life.
• Introduce a package of economic reforms aimed at supporting private property, small and medium-sized businesses, and providing citizens with income from the export of natural resources.

In addition to Grigory Yavlinsky, Pavel Grudinin (a candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation instead of Gennady Zyuganov), Ksenia Sobchak (“a candidate against all”), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPR), Alexei Navalny (the CEC refused to register his candidacy because of the “case Kirovles).

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky- a well-known Russian economist, one of the founders of the association and leader of the political party "Yabloko". In the past, Grigory Yavlinsky was Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, one of the leaders of the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin electoral bloc. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky led the faction of the Yabloko party in the State Duma of Russia of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd convocations. Grigory Yavlinsky is a presidential candidate in 1996, 2000 and 2018.

Childhood and education of Grigory Yavlinsky

Father - Alexei Grigorievich Yavlinsky(1919−1981) lost his parents in the Civil War, in the 30s he was a homeless child, then he was brought up in the Kharkov commune-colony of the OGPU named after F.E. Dzerzhinsky Anton Semenovich Makarenko. Grigory Yavlinsky's father graduated from flight school, then fought in World War II. Yes, and all the older brothers of Alexei Grigorievich fought on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War.

Mother - Vera Naumovna Yavlinskaya(1924−1997). Graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University. She taught chemistry at the institute.

Grigory Alekseevich recalled about childhood: “When I was ten years old, my mother gave me money for a soccer ball. I hold two three-ruble notes in my fist, look for the ball and see the price: eight rubles thirty kopecks. You can imagine how upset I was! I was walking home and thinking: well, why is the ball not six rubles, not five, but eight-thirty? And suddenly this question drove the failure with the purchase out of my head. I stopped at one showcase, at another ... Why does a bicycle cost twenty-seven rubles, a stroller - eighteen, and a loaf of bread - 12 kopecks. Why? Does anyone know the real price or did he just take it and come up with it? I ran with these questions to my grandfather, but even he could not answer me: “What difference does it make who invented it. You better think about how to earn this money.

At school and in the yard, Gregory has always been a leader. He attended sports sections, played football, and there were wall-to-wall fights.

According to Grigory Alekseevich, parents did not spare money for summer vacation and education of children. Gregory loved to read and played the piano. In the first grade, Grigory went to an ordinary secondary school No. 3 in Lviv, but then moved to a special school. By the eighth grade, Yavlinsky knew English well. He was fond of the band "The Beatles".

Grigory in his school years was seriously engaged in boxing in the Dynamo sports society. Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky twice won the championship in boxing. He was a two-time Ukrainian junior welterweight champion in 1967 and 1968. But when the time came to choose a profession, Grigory Yavlinsky resolutely left the sport and chose the profession of an economist.

After the 9th grade, Gregory moved to evening school. At the same time, he got a job as an electrician at the Lviv glass factory "Rainbow".

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky received his higher education at the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, he entered the general economic faculty with a degree in labor economics.

Grigory Yavlinsky studied excellently at the institute. But during a trip to Czechoslovakia among the best students of Grigory, Yavlinsky found himself in a difficult situation. According to him, he unsuccessfully talked in the bath with the Komsomol organizer, called him "a cannibal, a Stalinist and a Maoist." “I also smacked him properly - with the pelvis,” recalled Grigory Yavlinsky. However, the student, who defended his political position with his fists, was not only not expelled from the institute, but, to everyone's surprise, the story ended with Yavlinsky's recommendation as a candidate for joining the party, according to the Know Everything website.

The biography of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky on Wikipedia says that while studying at the Plekhanov Institute, he not only worked on getting a higher education, but also twice won the competition for the best joke of a Soviet university, and also participated in the release of the samizdat newspaper We. Classmate of Yavlinsky Dmitry Kalyuzhny I was surprised that they were not imprisoned for samizdat.

Among the teachers of Yavlinsky was Leonid Abalkin. It was he who played a positive role in the career of his student.

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky received his diploma with honors in 1973, and then immediately entered graduate school, from which he graduated in 1976. The biography of Grigory Yavlinsky on the official website says that he defended his thesis on the topic "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."

Later, already being a well-known politician, in 2005 Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky defended his doctoral dissertation at the Central Economic Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the topic "The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization."

Labor activity of Grigory Yavlinsky

After graduating from graduate school, Grigory Yavlinsky went to work at the All-Union Research Institute of Management under the USSR Ministry of Coal Industry (VNIIUgol). Gregory began to work here on compiling qualification handbooks and job descriptions. In addition, Grigory Alekseevich traveled around the country, visited Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Chelyabinsk, went down to the face.

The politician's website reports that Grigory Yavlinsky was hit by a blockage when he stood for 10 hours waist-deep in icy water. “We were rescued, but three of the five died in the hospital,” Yavlinsky recalls.

In 1980, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky moved to work at the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee on Labor and Social Affairs as head of the heavy industry sector. Grigory Alekseevich tried in one of the first projects to write a paper on the improvement of labor in the USSR. He suggested either returning to the Stalinist system of total control, or giving enterprises greater independence. After that, as stated on the website of Grigory Yavlinsky, the printed 600 copies were confiscated, and Grigory Alekseevich was periodically summoned to the KGB. After death Leonid Brezhnev interrogations stopped. But soon Grigory Yavlinsky was hospitalized, having found tuberculosis in him. While he was in the hospital, all drafts of his work were burned.

Friends claimed that Grigory Yavlinsky was sent to the hospital in order to be psychologically "muted".

Political career of Grigory Yavlinsky

In 1989, Yavlinsky's teacher, Professor Leonid Abalkin, having become a member of the authorities, called Grigory Alekseevich to work in the Council of Ministers. A new position appeared in the track record of Grigory Yavlinsky - head of the Free Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. In 1990, Grigory Yavlinsky was approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR as chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform.

In his new position, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky continued to develop new economic reforms.

Together with Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov, Yavlinsky worked on the 400 Days of Trust program. After this program was proposed as the program "500 days".

Not finding support in the country's leadership, Grigory Yavlinsky resigned on October 17, 1990. He began working at the EPIcenter (Center for Economic and Political Research).

In April 1991, the US State Department officially invited Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky to a meeting of the G7 expert council with participant status, according to a biography on the politician's website. Together with scientists from Harvard University, USA, EPIcenter developed a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system - "Consent for a Chance". This program was a continuation of the 500 Days program.

After the failure of the GKChP, Grigory Yavlinsky participated in planning activities to search for members of the GKChP, together with the chairman of the KGB of the RSFSR Viktor Ivanenko Yavlinsky, as a witness, entered the apartment of one of the leaders of the coup, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Pugo. In his biography on the website, Grigory Yavlinsky emphasizes that, contrary to rumors, Pugo committed suicide before they arrived.

After the putsch, the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR was created, headed by Ivan Silaev, one of whose deputies was Grigory Yavlinsky. Then the Supreme Soviet of the USSR assigned the functions of the government of the USSR not provided for by the Constitution to the committee until the formation of a new composition of the Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR, but this did not come to that. October to retirement Mikhail Gorbachev On December 25, 1991, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky was also a member of the Political Consultative Committee under the President of the USSR.

Grigory Yavlinsky in 1991 worked on the creation of the "Treaty on Economic Cooperation between the Republics of the USSR." However Boris Yeltsin opposed the new "supra-union" formation, believing that it would be easier for Russia alone to move to the market.

As it turned out, Yeltsin was betting on Yegor Gaidar, and not on Grigory Yavlinsky.

After the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky left the government with his team.

In 1992, new developments on the basis of the EPIcenter followed. Yavlinsky and his colleagues criticized the reforms of Yegor Gaidar, created the Diagnosis program, hoping that it would allow them to get out of the crisis with fewer losses than the government's privatization program. In the new program, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky opposed the "voucher" scheme for the privatization of large assets.

As is known from the biography of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky, he took up the development of a program for market reforms in the Nizhny Novgorod region.

In the fall of 1993, Grigory Yavlinsky created an electoral bloc that could compete for seats in the State Duma. Together with him were both co-founders Yuri Boldyrev and Vladimir Lukin. The block was named "Apple".

During the period of confrontation between Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet, Yavlinsky proposed again to return to the idea of ​​recreating relations with partners in the CIS according to the EU model. Grigory Alekseevich called on the participants in the confrontation to abandon mutual claims and call early presidential and parliamentary elections. He also called on the Supreme Soviet to hand over firearms. On the night of October 3-4, 1993, Grigory Yavlinsky criticized the speech of Yegor Gaidar, who called Muscovites to defend democracy.

At the end of 1994, Grigory Yavlinsky, together with his colleagues at Yabloko, traveled to Chechnya and held talks with Dzhokhar Dudayev offering himself as a hostage in exchange for prisoners. He was an ardent opponent of the war in Chechnya. Repeatedly Grigory Alekseevich spoke in the State Duma about the withdrawal of troops from the republic.

Participation of Grigory Yavlinsky in the elections

In 1993, Yabloko took part in the elections for the first time, contrary to the expectations of Grigory Yavlinsky, Yabloko was in sixth place with a score of 7.86% of the vote.

In 1995, in the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation, Yavlinsky's party won 6.89% of the vote (4th place).

In 1996, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky first became a candidate for the presidency of Russia. Grigory Yavlinsky went to the 1996 presidential election on his own and took fourth place in the first round, gaining 7.35% of the vote. In a biography on his official website, Grigory Yavlinsky recalls meetings with Yeltsin, at which the president persuaded him to withdraw his candidacy. However, even without the help of Yavlinsky, Boris Yeltsin defeated his main competitor Gennady Zyuganov, and the elections went down in history, according to most experts, for their number of falsifications, which allowed Yeltsin to win in the second round.

In September 1997, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky announced his intention to run for president in the 2000 elections. According to the results of the elections to the State Duma in December 1999, Yabloko took sixth place. The party received 5.93% of the vote.

As you know, December 31, 1999, Boris Yeltsin resigned. In the 2000 presidential election, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky took third place after Vladimir Putin and Gennady Zyuganov. Speaking for the second time as a presidential candidate, Yavlinsky worsened the result in percentage terms, gaining 5.8% of the vote, but became third, not fourth, as in 1996.

After 2000, Grigory Alekseevich did not put forward his candidacy for the presidency of the country for many years. The Yabloko party continued to take part in the elections to the State Duma. However, since the 2003 elections, Yavlinsky's Yabloko has been unable to overcome the 5% threshold.

In March 2004, Grigory Yavlinsky, by decision of the Yabloko party, refused to participate in the presidential elections in Russia, and he was not a presidential candidate in the next elections either.

In 2008, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky refused to put forward his candidacy for the post of chairman of Yabloko, publicly supporting the nomination Sergei Mitrokhin. Nevertheless, Grigory Alekseevich entered the new governing body of the party - the Political Committee. Observers noted that Yavlinsky took up teaching at the Higher School of Economics and moved away from public politics.

However, he continued to generate ideas, in particular, in 2009, Grigory Yavlinsky proposed the concept of overcoming the crisis and high-quality economic growth "Earth-Houses-Roads".

The return of Grigory Yavlinsky to a political career

In 2011, Grigory Yavlinsky headed the electoral list of Yabloko in the elections to the State Duma. According to the results of the voting held on December 4, 2011, the Yabloko party did not enter the State Duma, but the 3.43% gained guaranteed state funding. Grigory Yavlinsky called the election results rigged and took part in protests.

Yabloko managed to get its deputies in several regions, 6 people (12.5% ​​of the votes) got into the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg.

From 2011 to 2016, Grigory Yavlinsky led the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg.

In 2012, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky tried to become a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation, but one of the founders of the Yabloko party received an official refusal to register at the Central Election Commission. The decision to do so was made on the basis of a check of signature sheets collected in support of Yavlinsky's nomination. As a result of checking the second sample of signature sheets, the CEC rejected 25.66% of signatures, which is significantly more than the allowed 5%.

In 2013, Grigory Yavlinsky was a confidant of the candidate for mayor of Moscow, chairman of the Yabloko party, Sergei Mitrokhin, and also developed the candidate's economic program.

In the elections on September 18, 2016, the Yabloko party, according to official data, received 1.99% (1,051,535 votes).

Position of Grigory Yavlinsky on Crimea and Syria

In the events in Ukraine in 2014, Grigory Yavlinsky criticized Russia's actions. In April 2014, in an interview with the “Face to the Event” program on Radio Liberty, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky called the annexation of Crimea an annexation and accused Russia of striving to destroy Ukrainian statehood.

In the fall of 2017, Grigory Yavlinsky proposed organizing an international conference, after which a new referendum on the question of Crimea's ownership should be held.

“Everything is pretty bad with Crimea, because no one in the world recognizes what was done in 2014,” Yavlinsky emphasized. “We need to hold an international conference on Crimea and develop a roadmap for solving this problem.”

According to him, at present Russia is a country with unrecognized borders.

“And I would not want to live in a country with unrecognized borders. It is necessary to ask in this case, from my point of view, that the inhabitants of Crimea vote in the conditions of a normal referendum, which is recognized throughout the world, ”the politician summed up.

The Crimean Parliament rejected the proposal of Grigory Yavlinsky on a second referendum.

In 2017, Yabloko held the “Time to return home” action in 60 cities of Russia, according to Grigory Yavlinsky, more than 100 thousand Russian citizens supported the party’s initiative to stop Russia’s military operation in Syria, the news reported. The politician referred to opinion polls, according to which 49% of Russian citizens oppose the continuation of the Syrian campaign. According to Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky, the war in Syria is ruinous for the Russian economy.

Speaking of economic problems, Yavlinsky suggested Alexei Kudrin to the post of head of government or first vice-premier with special political powers.

“It is necessary to appoint such a person who can implement the program of financial and economic measures, honestly explain the reasons and take serious measures. Alexei Kudrin is such a person,” Yavlinsky was quoted in the news.

Grigory Yavlinsky is a candidate in the 2018 elections

The nomination of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky as a candidate from Yabloko in the presidential elections in Russia in 2018 was announced back in February 2016.

A year later, the Yabloko party announced the launch of the presidential campaign of its candidate, Grigory Yavlinsky.

Yavlinsky: “We are confident that we will collect signatures, for a party like Yabloko to collect 100,000 signatures is a completely solvable task, in addition, we have been working on this for quite a long time, despite the fact that signature collection is in 40 regions - this is an “exotic idea”, we collect signatures in different ways,” Yavlinsky said during a press conference.

Grigory Yavlinsky told reporters that the purpose of his nomination as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation is an attempt to change the policy of the state. At the same time, he noted that he did not really understand the talk about the need to unite the opposition.

On December 22, 2017, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Grigory Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia. This decision was made the day before during a secret vote of delegates.

On the official website, presidential candidate Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky published his election program.

Family of Grigory Yavlinsky

Grigory Yavlinsky is married and has two sons.

Wife of Grigory Yavlinsky - Elena Anatolievna a (née Smotryaeva, genus. 1951), engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering.

The native youngest son, Alexei (born 1981), graduated from the private school Bedales School in Hampshire (Great Britain) in 1999. He received his higher education there, and in 2007 he defended his thesis on "Indexing and searching for images using automated annotation of their content" at the Open University (London) under the guidance of Professor Stefan Rüger. Works as a research engineer on the creation of computer systems.

The adopted eldest son from his wife's first marriage, Mikhail (born 1971), graduated from the Physics Department of Moscow State University at the Department of Theoretical Physics with a degree in nuclear physics, works as a journalist, broadcasts the Fifth Floor program in the BBC Russian Service.

From childhood he studied music, played the piano, composed. In 1994 Mikhail became a victim of political blackmail. He was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities have never been established. As Grigory Yavlinsky said in an interview with AiF, he received a package in which the severed finger of his son’s right hand was wrapped in a note with the following content: “If you don’t leave politics, we’ll cut off your son’s head.” Immediately after that, Mikhail was released. The doctors performed a reconstructive operation. After this incident, the sons of Yavlinsky moved to London for security purposes.

Life.ru found out that many representatives of Russian political parties, who declare in their programs that “capital flight” is not allowed abroad, have their own, quite foreign and even very elite property. At the same time, the owners of overseas real estate are not ordinary party functionaries, but relatives of the first party officials.

The family of Grigory Yavlinsky, now an informal leader, and earlier the chairman of the Yabloko party, got into the focus of special attention of the press. In particular, it turned out that the youngest son of Grigory Alekseevich, Alexei Yavlinsky, owns an apartment in an elite area of ​​London, which can cost from five hundred thousand to one and a half million pounds sterling.

The apartment is located less than four kilometers from Buckingham Palace and Westminster Abbey in a luxury residential complex. Aleksey Yavlinsky also heads a certain company, Behold Research Limited, whose authorized capital, however, is only one hundred pounds.

The network community, in connection with the Yavlinsky family real estate, has already remembered the 500 Days program for the decommunization of the Russian economy, which Grigory Alekseevich promoted in the nineties, and his Sakhalin-1 and Sakhalin-2 projects, the essence of which was to give Sakhalin oil to foreign companies, British and American, and then buy it at the market price, and even his theses that it would be good to give the Kuriles to Japan.

Well, it seems like, here, for his activities in the nineties, the brave politician nevertheless received his award in the form of an elite apartment. However, here it is worth saying that if he received it, then much earlier.

The fact is that the eldest son of Grigory Alekseevich, Mikhail Grigoryevich Smotryaev, also lives in London and owns a whole house. The house, by the way, is also located in a prestigious location in London, on Derby Hill Street in the Forest Hill area. In 2003, the cost of such housing was estimated at 250 to 450 thousand pounds. Now multiply by two, or even by three. The house is not bad, two-story, in general, excellent housing for a respectable gentleman. So the “reward” found the hero much earlier.

At the same time, it is clear that the children of Yavlinsky themselves in London would not be able to earn money for such housing. One of them is a journalist by profession, the second was engaged in consulting. In general, typical "blue collar". Hence the conclusion: dad helped with real estate. But where does the "honest politician" and fighter for "solidarity of the rich and the poor" get such means and opportunities - this is a very interesting question.

In general, if we move away from the footage, amounts and social geography of London, then about Grigory Yavlinsky himself there are questions of a purely psychological nature. This is what a person thought when he bought this very housing, left it as “family assets”, but at the same time campaigned for some kind of “social liberalism”. What will people swallow, what will they not dig up? What is the secret that will not be revealed?

In general, our non-systemic liberals and oppositionists of the “old formation”, who came out of the nineties, live in some kind of their own world, where the more impudently and clumsily you lie to people, the more respectable and popular you seem to be. But this is such a bizarre distortion of perception that one should probably contact the appropriate specialists in the field of psychiatry.

At the same time, nothing bothers Grigory Alekseevich. Materials about the foreign property of his family are in the public domain. From the beginning of the 2000s, everyone can read about the house of the eldest son completely freely. And he keeps telling the voters how he is against the export of capital from the country, how he is for social justice and "equal opportunities for all."

It’s just even interesting, having what “equal” opportunities for all citizens of our country Grigory Alekseevich has put his children in such a way, providing them with a comfortable and even luxurious existence?

From the very beginning

Born April 10, 1952 in Lvov (Ukraine), Russian. Father Alexei Grigoryevich was a pupil of the Makarenko colony, a participant in the war (he began serving as a private, graduated as a battery commander). After the end of the war, he returned to the same Lviv colony, where he worked for the rest of his life as an educator. (According to other sources, the father was an officer of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the head of a children's reception center). He died in 1981. Mother Vera Noevna, a teacher by training, taught chemistry at the Lvov Forest Engineering Institute. She died December 31, 1997.

Until the 9th grade, Yavlinsky studied at the elite secondary school No. 4 with an in-depth course in English. […]. Yavlinsky achieved the greatest success in the study of the English language, which was largely facilitated by his fanatical worship of the work of the English band The Beatles, which has survived to this day. Even then, under the influence of an alien culture, the cosmopolitanism of the future Russian politician began to take shape. Imitating the youth of the West, Grisha Yavlinsky defiantly let his long hair go at school. According to his own recollections, the hairstyle was so defiant that in 1964 he was caught by the people's combatants and cut off bald.

Boxing was another hobby of Yavlinsky in his youth. His highest achievement was the victory at the All-Ukrainian youth competitions in 1968 in the second welterweight. Boxing helped Grigory lead a group of teenagers, in which he participated in street fights, had several drives to the police. Boxing had to be abandoned when the coach demanded that he give up everything else for the sake of sports. The young man, who first dreamed of becoming a policeman, then a teacher and, finally, an economist, could not make such a sacrifice. Since then, Yavlinsky, when talking with an interlocutor, drops his head to one side, which, according to medical specialists, may indicate a traumatic brain injury.

In the 9th grade, Grigory moved to an evening school, "in order to get rid of" superfluous " subjects ", to earn a work experience that makes it easier to move to Moscow and enter some prestigious institute. He combined his studies with work. In 1968-1969, Yavlinsky worked as a freight forwarder at the Lvov post office, then as an apprentice electrician and instrument fitter at the Raduga glass company.

In 1969, Yavlinsky entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov to the general economic faculty and moved to Moscow. At the first entrance exam, he received a three, but then he pulled himself together and passed the rest with five, gaining a passing score.

After graduating from the institute until 1976, Grigory Yavlinsky studied at the graduate school of the Minkha. Among his teachers was Academician Leonid Abalkin. In 1978 he defended his Ph.D. thesis on the topic "Improving the division of labor of chemical industry workers" for the title of candidate of economic sciences.

From 1976 to 1977 he worked as a senior engineer at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management.

From 1977 to 1980, he worked there as a senior research fellow.

From 1980 to 1984 - head of the sector of the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs (Goskomtrud). Since 1984 - deputy head of the department and head of the Goskomtrud.

In 1984-1985, Yavlinsky was subjected to compulsory treatment. He himself explains this fact by persecution by the "authorities" for the work "Problems of Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR", in which he predicted the onset of an economic crisis. The text and drafts of the book were confiscated from Yavlinsky and several times they were summoned for an interview in a special department. Further, according to Yavlinsky, in a special medical institution they tried to infect him with "tuberculosis", and then remove his lung. He was discharged from the hospital with a diagnosis of "perfectly healthy" after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power. […]

(Further on, the author of the dossier expresses his doubts about the plausibility of this “tuberculosis story” and writes, referring to “information from one of the sources, that Yavlinsky allegedly spent this time in a psychiatric hospital. Indeed, the story of “tuberculosis for dissent” looks strange: as you know , dissidents in Soviet times were usually sent to psychiatric clinics, not tuberculosis clinics.By the way, among the members of the Yabloko faction there are such "victims of Soviet punitive psychiatry", as they were called at that time "enemy voices". Perhaps this is where the rumor originated about Yavlinsky's stay in a "psychiatric hospital", Grigory Yavlinsky himself categorically denies this.

In 1986, Yavlinsky and his colleagues wrote their draft law on the state enterprise, but it was rejected by Nikolai Talyzin and Heydar Aliyev, who led the drafting of the law, as too liberal.

In the summer of 1989, Abalkin, having become deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, invited Yavlinsky to the post of head of department and at the same time secretary of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on economic reform ("Abalkin's commission").

In the spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with young economists Alexei Mikhailov and Mikhail Zadornov, wrote a project for reforming the economy by transferring it to a market economy called "400 days". […]

Yeltsin proposed the idea of ​​this program (already called "500 days") to Gorbachev for joint implementation. On their initiative, at the end of July 1990, a working group was created under the leadership of Academician Stanislav Shatalin. She was to develop a unified union program for the transition to a market economy on the basis of "500 days". Nikolai Petrakov was appointed Shatalin's deputy, and Yavlinsky was the main author of the program.

The program met with resistance from the Council of Ministers of the USSR headed by Nikolai Ryzhkov. In October 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR practically rejected it. A key role in the rejection of "500 days" was played by the change in position of Mikhail Gorbachev, who ceased to support the program. In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated the unification of the programs of Yavlinsky-Shatalin and the alternative program of Abalkin-Ryzhkov, which, according to both sides, was impossible.

On October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from the post of Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia. Subsequently, he emphasized that the implementation of the "500 days" would make it possible to preserve the union state. In January 1991, he was appointed economic adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia. Worked on a voluntary basis.

On August 28, 1991, he became Ivan Silaev's deputy as chairman of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR, responsible for economic reform.

From October to December 1991 he was a member of the Political Advisory Committee under the President of the USSR. He was also a member of the working group for the preparation of the Treaty on economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR. He sharply criticized the disavowal by the Russian government of the signature of the Minister of Economy of the RSFSR Yevgeny Saburov under the agreement on the Interstate Economic Community.

From June 1 to September 1, 1992, Yavlinsky's "EPI-Center", under an agreement with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod Region, worked out a regional reform program. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the issuance of regional loan bonds, which was supposed to solve the problem of lack of cash, the release of producers from non-production costs, as well as the introduction of the information system "On-line tracking of social indicators".

Yavlinsky believes that, as a result of three months of work, he managed to create a basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding the "new federalism" in Russia ("look for solutions not from the top down, but from the bottom up"). The results of the experiment are described in the published "EPI-Center" to the book "Nizhny Novgorod Prologue" (1993).

Yavlinsky hoped to apply his Nizhny Novgorod experience to Novosibirsk, where in October 1992 he became an economic consultant to the regional administration, and St. Petersburg, where Mayor Anatoly Sobchak invited him to develop an urban model for privatization.

In October 1993, he created his own electoral association "Block Yavlinsky - Boldyrev - Lukin", which included Russian Ambassador to the United States Vladimir Lukin, former head of the Control Department of the Presidential Administration of Russia Yuri Boldyrev, Nikolai Petrakov, representatives of the Republican Party of the Russian Federation RPRF, the Social Democratic parties of the Russian Federation SDPR, parties of the Russian Christian Democratic Union, New Democracy RCDU-ND, some other organizations, many employees of the "EPI-Center".

December 12, 1993 was elected to the State Duma on the bloc list. Chairman of the Yabloko faction and member of the Duma Council.

In the elections to the State Duma in 1995, he headed the list of the Yabloko electoral association, which received 4th place (6.89%).

On February 9, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered authorized representatives of the Yabloko Association, which nominated Yavlinsky for the presidency of the Russian Federation. In the first round of the presidential elections on June 16, 1996, Yavlinsky received 5,550,710 votes, or 7.41% (fourth place). On the eve of the second round, he called not to vote for Zyuganov, but he did not come out with a direct recommendation to his supporters to vote for Yeltsin - which was what the Yeltsinists expected and demanded from him.

Political landmarks and connections

One of the main financial structures with which Yavlinsky is directly connected is the Most group and its head Vladimir Gusinsky personally. At least since 1991, when the Inter-Republican Center for Economic and Political Research ("EPI-Center") was created by a small group of Yavlinsky, the material support of the latter by Gusinsky began. Direct proof of this is the fact that EPI-Center occupied space in the building of the Moscow mayor's office on Novy Arbat, for which Most-Bank paid for the rent.

In all election campaigns, Gusinsky's commercial structures acted as Yavlinsky's official sponsors. Grigory is constantly promoted on television channels and in the media of the Media-Most holding.

The key figure who provided "foreign policy" support for the activities of the Most group was Sergei Alexandrovich Zverev, who headed the Directorate for Information and Analytical Support of the Bank's Operations, Advertising and Public Relations and was the First Deputy Chairman of the Board of the Most Group. Earlier Zverev S.A. worked as an assistant (or press secretary) to G. Yavlinsky and maintained a close partnership with the latter. Zverev has a large number of connections among politicians, economists, employees of the Council of Ministers, the media, television, etc. At present, having left the post of Deputy Chairman of the Board of RAO GAZPROM, he is Primakov's adviser (in T. Kolesnichenko's group).

Based on the foregoing, it is clear that Yavlinsky cannot afford to make any critical remarks about Moscow Mayor Luzhkov, who is traditionally closely associated with the Most group. The privatization program for Moscow was written by Yavlinsky, he presented it. It is also interesting that despite the desire of party members to take part in the election of the Moscow mayor, Yabloko did not nominate anyone.

Grigory Yavlinsky is extremely negative about Gaidar. At one time, he, already in charge of the social development department of the State Committee for Labor in the rank of a "rising star" under the government of Nikolai Ryzhkov, was sent to write a general report with Gaidar, an economist from Gorbachev's Kommunist magazine, where they, in fact, met. Yegor Timurovich was well received by Mikhail Sergeevich, but for some reason he did not introduce his comrade-in-arms and at that time like-minded person to the General Secretary, although Yavlinsky suggested himself. In the future, their relationship became even more complicated, when a year later, with the entry of Abalkin into the government, the career of a candidate of sciences, according to Gaidar, "suffering from obvious flaws in his economic education," went uphill, and Yavlinsky headed the consolidated department of the commission on economic reform. And Gaidar was transferred only to Pravda.

One expert believes that Yavlinsky's attitude towards Anatoly Chubais is extremely negative, if only because Chubais worked in the "party of power" and Yavlinsky worked in the democratic opposition. Since Chubais was for a long time the most talented person in the "party of power", this irritates Yavlinsky greatly. And although he did not allow himself personal attacks on Chubais, he really constantly put spokes in his wheels in parliamentary debates on the budget and the Tax Code.

Another former assistant of Grigory Alekseevich, M. Kozhokin, now the editor-in-chief of the Izvestia newspaper, was a member of the management of ONEXIMbank. His brother E. Kozhokin is the chairman of the commission on defense and security of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR during the time of M. Gorbachev, and now the director of the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies.

The nominee of the Yabloko party is Nikolai Troshkin, head of the Duma apparatus, who gave the Yabloko leader a saber on behalf of the Duma on his 45th birthday.

Who especially loves Yavlinsky is foreigners, however, and he them. So, speaking in Washington, at a conference of administrators and lobbyists of the RS-RFE (Radio Liberty), after a story about how his grandfather and dad listened to Svoboda, he stunned the audience by declaring: “Now the level of lies in Russia is incredibly high , and the role of Radio Liberty is therefore more significant than ever before." For such warm words, Savik Shuster, director of the Moscow editorial office, turned Svoboda into a propaganda organ for Grigory Yavlinsky.

But Gregory is not only friends with the Americans. He developed warm relations with Japan. As far back as 1991, G. Yavlinsky stated with all certainty in Tokyo: "Four islands - Shikotan, Habomai, Iturup and Kunashir should be returned to Japan." After that, Japan for a long time propagandized Yavlinsky as the main candidate for the Russian presidency.

The Yabloko movement has a number of its own publications. The newspaper of the Association "Yabloko" is called "Yabloko Rossii". It is published once a week with a circulation of 30,000 copies. There are also regional newspapers: in Murmansk - "Open Newspaper", in Belgorod - "Apple Garden", in Chelyabinsk - "Yablochko". Plus, Yabloko publishes a library - a series of brochures on a variety of problems in Russian life. Unlike the Liberal Democratic Party, Yabloko works specifically for its supporters. There are no subscribers at all.

500 days of Yavlinsky

The "Abalkin Commission" became for Grigory Alekseevich a launching pad into big politics. As part of this "commission," Yavlinsky, for the first time in his life, independently prepared a project for the economic reforms of the USSR. Prior to this, the most serious theoretical work of the economist was "Qualification directory of positions of employees of the coal industry for mines and cuts" (1977). Yavlinsky's project of economic reforms was rejected by the "Abalkin commission" due to the author's incompetence.

A year before this epoch-making event, Yavlinsky met Gaidar. The first was instructed to write a report for Ryzhkov, and the second worked at that time in Gorbachev's journal Kommunist and was supposed to help Grigory Alekseevich. Yavlinsky himself chose Gaidar as his assistant, since he was a good friend of Mikhail Sergeevich. However, Gaidar refused to introduce Yavlinsky to General Secretary. And they dispersed: Yavlinsky - to the "Abalkin Commission", Gaidar - to the newspaper "Pravda".

Offended, Yegor Timurovich then declared that Grigory Alekseevich "suffers from obvious flaws in his economic education." Gaidar, oddly enough, told the truth (perhaps the only time in his life. - "!").

Yavlinsky's economic illiteracy later, while working on the 500 Days program, will become apparent to many. Yavlinsky's co-authors on the program, Zadornov and Mikhailov, chuckled among themselves over the fact that Grigory Alekseevich always had textbooks on economics with bookmarks on various pages on his desk.

To Yavlinsky's credit, it must be admitted that he himself was well aware of this shortcoming of his. Yavlinsky wrote off his project of economic reforms, rejected by the "Abalkin Commission", from a book on the Japanese experience of reforming the economy.

On the eve of Grigory Alekseevich's failed attempt to become the father of Russian reforms, another key event occurred for Yavlinsky's career. Two young economists, Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov, wrote devastating remarks on the USSR state budget for 1989. They conveyed their comments to Ryzhkov through the chairman of the Supreme Soviet, Mikhail Bocharov.

Ryzhkov read the paper and put it under the cloth, and Bocharov "received" the Butek concern for his silence. It must be said here that Zadornov, before he was politically annulled, was considered an excellent macroeconomist. The future head of the World Bank, James Wolfensohn, called Zadornov none other than the future Minister of Finance.

The offended Yavlinsky met with the offended Mikhailov and Zadornov. The three of them combined their developments in a month and a half by means of a simple compilation. This is how the 400 Days program was born. The authors repeated the previous mistake - they gave "400 days" to Mikhail Bocharov, who read it out at the Supreme Council as his own.

Here Yavlinsky really showed his fighting qualities. Bocharov was forced to admit that he was not the author of the 400 Days program. It is difficult to say how this scandalous story would have ended (most likely, nothing. - "!"), If not for the Novo-Ogaryovo process.

It was simply impossible to abolish the Central Committee of the CPSU. Yeltsin had to tear Gorbachev away from the Politburo and win over the republican barons to his side. To do this, it was necessary to intercept the ideological leadership in the reforms.

Immediately after the scandal with Bocharov, Yeltsin met with Yavlinsky. A government decision was made to develop the "500 Days" program. Yavlinsky was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and Chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform. Abalkin and Pavlov developed an alternative allied program.

The program "500 days" was written in 27 days. In addition to Yavlinsky, Zadornov and Mikhailov, the development team included Yasin, Aven, Fedorov and others. We wrote the program while sitting in Arkhangelsk. According to the recollections of the participants, laughter and jokes reigned in Arkhangelsk all this time. None of the authors of the program believed in the seriousness of their work. Nobody - except Yavlinsky.

When the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, at the suggestion of Gorbachev, rejected the "500 days", Yeltsin announced that Russia would carry out the program alone, without the union republics. Which is exactly what was required. The Moor has done his job, the Moor can go.

In October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from his post as deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. A month later, Grigory Alekseevich created and headed the first non-profit organization - the Center for Economic and Political Research ("EPI-Center")

At first, "EPI-Center" was located in the White House, and a year later it moved to the City Hall building. From that moment began a long cooperation "with interest" between Yavlinsky and Gusinsky. And Yavlinsky's press secretary, Sergei Zverev, who never concealed the fact that his dream is a large office and a car with a driver, headed the Directorate for Information and Analytical Support for the work of MOST-Bank.

After the Council of Ministers and the noise around the 500 Days program, Yavlinsky fell ill with "power" and "glory." The programs "400 days" and "500 days" posted today on the website have been finalized taking into account the moment. In particular, the authors are removed from the covers of programs and hidden at the end of the text. Everyone knows that these programs were developed by Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky.

Family, hobbies

He met his wife Elena while studying at the institute. After graduating from the university, the wife worked at the Research Institute "Giprouglemash". When her sons were born, she took up their education. The eldest son Mikhail recently graduated from the physics department of Moscow State University. But he does not work in his specialty - he went into journalism, collaborates freelance with various publications, composes music. The youngest son Alexei (born 81) graduated from a prestigious Moscow gymnasium on Kutuzovsky Prospekt.

Yavlinsky spends most of his free time from politics with his family. His hobby is "chatting with friends". (“At parties, he used to talk about the combination of production factors,” recalls his college friend).

Yavlinsky loves Andrey Bitov's prose, prefers Tarkovsky in cinema.
According to colleagues, the leader of Yabloko is a great master of the speech genre, he knows a lot of jokes. Sometimes it is called "Zhirinovsky for the intelligentsia."

According to Yavlinsky himself, he does not pay much attention to his appearance. She buys clothes wherever she wants. Likes whiskey. […]

But according to experts, Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky refers to his appearance. Before the TV broadcast, his assistants will find out if the film crew has a good make-up artist, what kind of lighting is in the studio. For example, on the program of Vladimir Pozner "Times" there is a very bright cold light. And if you miss with makeup, the guest of the studio may look like a dead man.

They say that when they make him up, he always asks to “remove” the blue under his eyes. Make-up artists are more concerned about his eye bags, which are harder to hide. Once Yavlinsky was even advised to resort to a facelift. We cannot say that the leader of Yabloko followed the advice, but in his pre-election photographs two years ago, the bags have become much smaller. And recently it has increased again.

Boxer Yavlinsky: cases of use of force

Grigory Yavlinsky periodically defiantly recalls his boxing past in political debates. He likes to demonstrate knowledge of prison jargon in a narrow circle, flaunts it. Only two cases are more or less accurately known when Grigory Alekseevich managed to show off his fighting qualities.

Grigory Yavlinsky himself told his colleagues in compiling the 500 Days program about the first case. In 1990, the Ryzhkov-Abalkin and Shatalin-Yavlinsky groups competed for the right to draw up an economic program for Gorbachev (on the Yabloko website - Yavlinsky-Shatalin. - "!").

During one of the meetings, according to Grigory Alekseevich, Finance Minister Pavlov approached him and advised him not to bury himself with the 500 Days program. To this, Yavlinsky replied that he was a boxer, and hit Pavlov in the liver. Then the latter staggered and fell on the cabinet.

The second incident occurred in front of many witnesses. When leaving the entrance of the White House, Grigory Alekseevich approached one of the demonstrators who periodically stand there, with an anti-Semitic slogan in his hands. Coming close, Yavlinsky said loudly: "I'll punch you in the face," and began to stare at the demonstrator.

Grigory Alekseevich's appearance, it must be said, was very menacing. A policeman was forced to jump out of the checkpoint and take Yavlinsky aside in order to avoid a massacre.

Berezovsky and Abramovich bought Yavlinsky with Yabloko

January 22, 2000, after the victory of "Unity" in the Duma elections, Boris Berezovsky in the author's program of Sergei Dorenko mocked his political opponents. Everyone got it. But he singled out Grigory Yavlinsky in particular.

On the air, Berezovsky literally stated the following: “On the eve of the vote in the Duma to impeach Yeltsin, Yavlinsky ran to the Kremlin with the question of how to vote for Yabloko. Later, on the sidelines, Boris Abramovich boasted that he and Abramovich bought Yavlinsky for $ 5 million, so that he does not withdraw his candidacy from the presidential elections.

On January 31, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright arrived in Moscow. The next day she met with Primakov and Yavlinsky, and only a day later - with Putin.

The purpose of Madeleine Albright's unexpected visit to Moscow is to persuade Yavlinsky and Primakov to withdraw their candidacies from the presidential elections, to leave Putin alone with Zyuganov, and thereby endanger the elections. On February 4, Primakov withdrew his candidacy, but Yavlinsky did not.

The Yabloko party and Yavlinsky live on the money of the "killers"
History with Legkprombank

The infamous Legprombank generously financed a number of dubious election campaigns. According to various estimates, Legprombank invested up to $20 million in G. Yavlinsky's presidential campaign alone, which, according to the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, is "a deal that does not make obvious economic sense."

Even the FSB of Russia took up an in-depth study of the activities of the owners of the commercial bank "Legprombank"

The reason for the investigation was an incident that occurred in early April 2001 in Tula. As reported, a group of people close to Andrei Samoshin, a candidate for the post of governor of the Tula region, broke into the building of the regional election commission and almost started a pogrom there. As it turned out, among the exalted supporters of Samoshin were the owners of Legprombank Andrey Drobinin, Evgeny Yankovsky and Alexander Dunaev. On the fact of obstructing the work of the election commission, a criminal case was initiated, which is under the jurisdiction of the FSB of the Russian Federation.

Evidence of Yavlinsky's connection with Legprombank is the campaign headquarters of the Yabloko leader, which was located in the same 2001 in the building of Legprombank on Zubovsky Boulevard in Moscow. According to the source, along with Drobinin, Yankovsky and Dunaev, who "checked in" in Tula, the co-owners of the bank are structures close to the former Deputy Minister of the Russian Federation for Atomic Energy Alexander Belosokhov, who died under unclear circumstances in early 2000. The ex-president of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev is also among the bank's partners.

In 2001, Grigory Yavlinsky could become a witness in the murder case of Sergei Balashov, deputy prefect of the Western District of Moscow.

The subject of the investigation was the conflict over the outstanding debt of the Suprimex commercial bank, which went bankrupt in 1997, to the prefecture of ZAO. It cannot be ruled out that it was an attempt to settle an old debt that could cost Balashov his life. At the same time, as it became known, businessman Andrei Drobinin, who previously controlled the Suprimex bank, back in 1999 became not only the main financial manager of Yabloko, but also the de facto head of Grigory Yavlinsky's presidential campaign. The investigation is studying the version that the funds of the clients of Suprimex and Legprombank, another financial institution controlled by Drobinin, are the basis of Yabloko's stability and prosperity today.

In the field of view of the investigating authorities is also information about the ties of the former owners of the Suprimex bank and the current shareholders of Legprombank with the Solntsevo and Kazan financial and industrial groups.

A little about Drobinin (the man on whose money Yavlinsky and his party live)

The liquidation mechanism was simple, like all genius. First, the "killer" takes control of most of the financial flows and pushes the majority of shareholders out of real control. Then some friendly or partner structure pumps a substantial amount of money into the bank as a loan and, as it were, puts it on a financial needle. After that, the money is suddenly withdrawn, the bank is unable to pay its obligations and is declared bankrupt. However, before that, the "killer" with the cover group manages to withdraw most of the assets from him. According to the statements of the lawyers of the current shareholders of Legprombank to the prosecutor's office, in the case of Suprimex-Bank, the main assets were formed at the expense of the ASKO insurance company acquired on the occasion. After the accumulation of funds in bank accounts, they disappear, external management is introduced at Suprimex, and Mr. Drobinin with a light heart moves to the RossIta bank, whose main client was the Diplomatic Corps Service Department (UPDC). "RossIta" soon repeated the fate of "Supremeks-Bank", the fate of the money UPDC - and this is 800 million rubles - is still unknown.

It is clear that for all the genius of Mr. Drobinin, he still could not cope alone. As for assistants in these operations, there are different opinions. Lawyers for the shareholders of Legprombank Zinoviev and Kireev, as well as the largest shareholder of the bank Evgeny Yankovsky, in their statements claim that Kazan brothers helped him to gain positions in banks, he also had good connections in law enforcement agencies, and hint at a mutually beneficial partnership with officials of the Central Bank, in particular, its territorial administration for Moscow. Thus, in their appeal to the State Duma, the members of the board of directors of Legprombank report that last year, Drobinin, due to his stormy activities, came into conflict with the general director of the ASKO insurance company, Sergei Pakhomov. The denouement was unexpected: one fine day, Pakhomov was detained by employees of the TsRUBOP, led by a certain Colonel Ignatov, and they found a pistol in his possession. It is curious that the pistol was without a clip, but with a cartridge in the chamber. Nevertheless, a criminal case was initiated, and it would have been bad for the detainee if Ignatov and his comrades had not soon been caught in a similar "special operation", and the Moscow prosecutor's office opened criminal case # 23507 against them. In the course of the investigation, the role of Drobinin in the action against Pakhomov became clear, but this did not have any serious consequences for our hero.

Even more strange is the behavior of law enforcement agencies in the investigation of the attack on the building of the Tula regional administration during the election campaign. This rare impudence action was broadcast throughout the country. According to the online edition of APN. ru, strong young people who arrived on a caravan of foreign cars from the capital and declared themselves supporters of the candidate for governor Samoshin, broke into the building of the regional administration and launched a mental attack on the election commission. The aforementioned Farid Valeev appeared among the attackers. The criminal case under article 141 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation was initiated by the FSB, and in the course of the investigation, the figure of our hero again surfaced. But he turned out to be too tough for the Chekists ...

The Yabloko party seized Shevardnadze's dacha to prevent the arrest of its occupant

38-year-old State Duma deputy, member of the Yabloko faction Alexei Melnikov became the owner of the most exotic public reception in the history of Russian parliamentarism. The deputy uses the state residence "Kalchuga-2" (Rublyovo-Uspenskoye Highway, Odintsovsky district of the Moscow region) as a reception room, where the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Eduard Shevardnadze once lived and worked. This was reported to APN by a source in the Russian special services.

The scale of Aleksey Melnikov's deputy activity is capable of striking even the most sophisticated imagination. The public reception room of the prominent "Yabloko" is spread over an area of ​​8 hectares and consists of the main building with an area of ​​1862 square meters. m., as well as three auxiliary buildings with an area of ​​more than 400 sq.m. each. In order to meet Melnikov's urgent needs, the public reception area includes, in particular, a swimming pool, a greenhouse and a garage for 8 cars. Obviously, the former senior researcher at the legendary EPI Center Melnikov, who is considered one of the closest associates of Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky, decided to organize a stream reception of the cream of his electorate - the oligarchs and other residents of Rublyovka, who are hungry for the most honest politics.

However, according to the source, Melnikov's public reception is used by only one voter, namely the sponsor of Yabloko, the actual owner of CB Legprombank Andrei Drobinin, whose exploits APN has repeatedly told readers about. In the residence "Kalchuga-2", which is considered an inviolable parliamentary territory, Drobinin, seen in his involvement in many violations of the law, is hiding from interrogations, arrests and searches. Not later than at the end of September, representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs wanted to search Drobinin's home - and faced an insurmountable rebuff from Yabloko and the federal law "On Immunity".

Another public office of Alexei Melnikov is located in the main building of Legprombank on Zubovsky Boulevard. In the same place, there are inviolable offices of deputies - members of the "Generation of Freedom" movement: Andrey Wulf, Vladimir Semenov and Vladimir Koptev-Dvornikov. According to an APN source, all these deputies actually work as custodians of secret documents of their sponsor and his authoritative partner, well-known businessman Umar Dzhabrailov.

Joint work in the interests of Andrey Drobinin has rallied Yabloko and Generation of Freedom so much that in the near future we can talk about the unification of these two political structures. So that the conscience of the nation, Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky, once again does not take offense at the APN and does not complain that he was slandered, we publish rare documents that shed light on Yabloko's activities in harboring persons with a specific reputation.

We cannot yet say that non-political orgies with the personal participation of Grigory Yavlinsky are held in the Kalchuga-2 residence from time to time. But there are such suspicions.

How Yavlinsky and Yabloko hid Drobinin from justice can be understood from these

Yavlinsky was registered in a psychoneurological dispensary

The leader of the Yabloko party, Grigory Yavlinsky, has been registered in a neuropsychiatric dispensary for a number of years. This was announced by a source in the apparatus of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.

According to the source, doctors had doubts about the mental health of the future presidential candidate in Russia during the years when Yavlinsky was actively involved in boxing. Certain features of the difficult character of the young boxer were already evident then. How the treatment of an outstanding public figure went and how it ended (and whether it ended) has not yet been reported.

Recently, Yavlinsky has given up alcohol and switched to "boys"

Yavlinsky Grisha fell into the cage After all, Vanya, the most important thing in our country is to get somewhere. Got it - you won't fall out again. In addition, the Tseraushniks, of course, were aware of Grisha's inclination to drink. And this is the most important, Vanya, criterion of "selection" for the role of the destroyer of Russia. Those who have this kind of weakness are very easy to manage. Yeltsin, after all, was also a drunkard. He even had a nickname in the Urals - "double-barreled". What it is? The man takes two bottles of vodka in both hands, brings them to his mouth and drinks from the throat from these two "trunks". Can you imagine how "hardened" you have to be? This is not khukhry-muhry for you. Here you need training and a special predisposition to vodka. Just like that, not everyone can do such a “double-barreled shotgun” from the bay. I think so, out of 100 drunks - one or two, no more.

Grigory Alekseevich could not shoot from a "double-barreled shotgun". But he could easily drink it for a week or two. And then, my brothers, do what you want with the "promising" one. Later, already in the Duma, Grisha could show up at two or three in the morning at entrance number 3 in Okhotny Ryad, and not one, but with two or three young ladies, and be indignant to the point of scuffle, why is it him, the leader of Russian democracy, some A lousy ensign won't let you into your own office. It is not in vain that they say that the most fertile material for the intelligence of the whole world is homosexuals, lesbians and alcoholics.

Evil tongues say that recently Grisha has given up alcohol and switched to “boys”. I do not vouch for the accuracy of the information. Selling what I bought for.

Yavlinsky agitates for Maskhadov

On February 12, 2000, Grigory Yavlinsky gave an interview to Sergey Dorenko's program in the person of Mr. Dorenko. Among other things, he said.

Yavlinsky: “I am grateful to you for the question about the development of events in Chechnya. I believe that a completely critical moment is again coming in Chechnya, and I would like to tell you that a large group of people has prepared a detailed plan for resolving the situation in Chechnya. And I hope at the very hand over this plan, explaining it in detail, to the acting president as soon as possible. I think this is as important now, if not more, than ever before."

Here, of course, the question arose: if we are talking about a settlement, then this is clearly not about shooting. And that with someone it is necessary to agree. That is, that it is necessary to move from war to the destruction of specific militants, not to touch the inhabitants and negotiate with someone. That is, the first step is to find negotiators from the other side. That is, Yavlinsky has them in mind.

In general, Yavlinsky has a very strange PR. Having even quite logical constructions in mind, as a first step towards their publication, he gives out such voice acting that everyone immediately begins to be perplexed, after which they immediately roll the idea over logs. Usually - to such an extent that further attempts by "Yabloko" to talk about the idea in all its logical consistency and even pragmatism decisively do not lead to anything.

So, in connection with the idea of ​​political steps in Chechnya, the reaction of society was not slow to arise. What a society! Even Maxim Yuryevich Sokolov reacted to this idea;

"... Much more respect is caused by the determination with which G.A. Yavlinsky cut the Gordian knot, which brings such trouble to the supporters of peace at any cost. The call to start negotiations all the time encounters the objection that the negotiating partner must be: a) capable of negotiating and b) those who have real power. And where can one get such a thing? From now on, the torment of pacifists has come to an end, because to the humble objection of the Gishpan: "They say that there is no one to negotiate with" - G. A. Yavlinsky gave a brilliant answer: "I know with by whom".

Most likely, the well-known economist established direct contact with the "hidden imam", who, according to Muslim doctrine, will appear on the eve of the Last Judgment and will be a person both very powerful and (by assumption) capable of negotiating. Skeptics may note that it is not clear whether the imam will want to negotiate with G.A. Yavlinsky. They do not take into account the mystical features of the personality of the negotiator himself, who pointed out: "If it is necessary for Yabloko to become the conscience of Russia, it will be it."

Until now, it was believed that the desire of any subject to become a national conscience is not yet a sufficient reason for those who wished to become conscience to immediately become it - special gifts of grace are needed, depending not on the will of the subject-applicant, but solely on the source of grace . Judging by the unshakable confidence of G.A. Yavlinsky that there will be no problems with grace, a messiah, the Son of the Living God, descended on our sinful earth - and why shouldn’t the messiah come to an agreement with the hidden imam on all issues to be settled?

Yavlinsky, on the other hand, began to explain his idea, regardless of M.Yu. Sokolov. Here are excerpts concerning Chechnya from his interview to the Vesti program (February 19, 2000).

Vesti: Grigory Alekseevich, one more question. On a completely different topic - Chechnya. You have repeatedly said that it is simply impossible to keep peace in this republic only on the bayonets of our soldiers. The question of a leader on whom the federal center could rely. Now several names have appeared at once: Gantamirov, Saidullaev, Kadyrov. Which of them, in your opinion, is the optimal figure?

G.Ya. Today (2000) the situation in Chechnya is developing in such a way that it is possible to start negotiations with everyone who recognizes the integrity of Russia and recognizes Chechnya as part of Russia.

News: Excuse me...

G.Ya. And the wider the circle at the beginning of negotiations, the more accurate the decisions will be.

Vesti: Grigory Alekseevich, could you still decipher your words? Who are you talking about when you call "everyone who is ready to recognize Russia"? Is Aslan Maskhadov included in this list?

G.Ya. I'll decode it now. All the names you named, in the event that these people are ready to recognize Chechnya as part of Russia, and the integrity of the Russian Federation, and its Constitution, can be partners in the negotiations.

Vesti: Well, Gantamirov, Kadyrov and Saidullaev, in fact, never denied this. There is, as they say, the opposite side - this is Maskhadov and already field commanders, about whom you never spoke. But you spoke about Maskhadov as a possible potential partner in the negotiations.

G.Ya. Yes, I'm ready to do it again.

Vesti: Do you consider it as such at the moment?

G.Ya. Yes, I'm ready to repeat this once again - if Maskhadov is ready to recognize the Russian Constitution, the integrity of Russia, Chechnya as part of Russia - yes, we can negotiate with him.

Apparently, M.Yu.Sokolov's reasoning about some mysticism inherent in Mr. Yavlinsky is absolutely fair. For the reason that in response to the invocation of the spirit of Maskhadov, the spirit of Maskhadov, who had been in God knows where for the last couple of months, responded. Specifically, Dmitry Volchek, Radio Liberty.

Here is what Maskhadov thinks: "... If, for example, Putin were more far-sighted, he would not wait for this day, but, on the contrary, would please the Russians that he solved the Chechen problem; one must not kill Chechens, or "wet "they, as he says, but to solve this problem, and also to solve it in favor of Russia. I believe that Putin (just like Yeltsin at one time, the Grachevs) are being deceived today by the Sergeyevs and Shamanovs. Again they report: "By storm they took the height, hoisted the banner, one federal died. "This is a lie. These Heroes of Russia will not tell you anything smart, because in the end Putin will be the switchman, at least in front of Russian mothers. The smartest thing that could be done today, - to come to some option - this is Yavlinsky's option: the security of Russia and the right to life of the people of Chechnya.

Thus, Aslan Maskhadov supported Grigory Yavlinsky.

Yavlinsky bought his son a house in central London

The openness of English society makes it possible to learn about the state of affairs of any citizen, so the law firm CMS Cameron McKennas, at the request of the correspondents of the newspaper Zhizn, provided details regarding the property and bank accounts of the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky - approx. ed.]

The sons of Grigory Yavlinsky, Mikhail and Alexei, have been living in London for a long time. The elder Mikhail Smotryaev (now he bears his mother's surname) works as a correspondent for Radio Liberty, writes articles about life in the United Kingdom. A few years ago, he bought a house in one of the most prestigious areas of London. According to information provided by the law firm CMS Cameron McKennas regarding the property and bank accounts of the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky, they turned out to be quite wealthy people, not everyone has funds in an account in one of the most reputable British banks, Barclays Bank. By the way, without a certificate of the state of a personal account, a resident of Britain cannot even rent an apartment on the usual terms of monthly payment, not to mention buying a house.

What the Yavlinsky house looks like can be judged from the photograph provided by the British. This is a typical house for a wealthy European, many prominent British politicians live in similar ones. Of course, it cannot be compared with the palaces of Russian oligarchs and modest civil servants built in the Moscow region. The house is located in one of the most respectable areas in the southeast of the British capital. Judging by Moscow standards, this is within the Garden Ring. A similar house in London is not cheap - from 250 to 450 thousand pounds, in terms of dollars it is from 400 to 700 thousand dollars.

An extract from the land register confirms that Mikhail Smotryaev is the owner of a house in London on Derby Hill Street in the Forest Hill area. The fact that the young journalist cannot have his own funds to buy real estate in the center of London is obvious. Another thing raises questions, whether Grigory Alekseevich himself, like Berezovsky, was going to leave Russia forever and settle on a quiet island far from political storms.

The sponsor accused Yavlinsky of lying
Leonid Nevzlin: "How can a serious politician count on the trust of his voters, not shunning outright lies?" (material from 2007)

I am reading an interview with Yavlinsky. Good interview. Substantial, fundamental. And there is nothing to catch. In addition to the fact of lying:

And what are your relations now with the heirs of Yukos, with Leonid Nevzlin?

None. I know Nevzlin, but we only had relations with Khodorkovsky - he supported us for a year and a half.

The fact is that the decision to support Yavlinsky was made jointly by Khodorkovsky and me.

Moreover, the efforts were distributed in such a way that it was I who was responsible for interaction with Yabloko.

Those. Yavlinsky had to communicate both with me and with MBH.