Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky is a Russian politician, Doctor of Economics, founder of the opposition Yabloko party. Repeatedly ran for president (1996, 2000 and 2018, registration for the 2012 elections was denied).

Family

Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the Ukrainian city of Lvov. His father, Aleksey Yavlinsky (born 1919), lost his parents during the Civil War, grew up in a labor colony near the village of Kovalevka, Poltava Region, and went to the front in 1942. The battery under his command was the first to enter the Czech city of Olomouc. For front-line exploits, Father Gregory was awarded the Order of the Red Star, the medal "For Military Merit" and the Order of the Patriotic War II degree.

In 1947 Alexey met his future wife Vera Naumovna (born 1924). She was a native of Kharkov, during the war years she lived in evacuation in Tashkent, after the end of the war she moved to Lvov. The wedding took place a month after they met. The couple remained in Lvov: Aleksey graduated from the history department of the local pedagogical university, then the higher school of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, worked with homeless children; Vera graduated from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University and began teaching chemistry at the Forestry Technical University.

The family did not live well, but the parents did their best to give Grigory and his 5-year-old younger brother Mikhail all the best. And if new toys and clothes appeared in the house infrequently, and Grisha saw many fruits only in the picture, then the brothers could always count on quality education and recreation during the holidays.

As a result, Grigory studied with only fives (the four in his report card was one - in the Ukrainian language), spent a lot of time reading Russian classics, and began to study English from the age of 6. Yavlinsky was also distinguished by his ability to music - as a child he played the piano. In the first grade, Grisha went to Lviv School No. 3, later he transferred to a special school with in-depth study of the English language.

Youth years

Gregory grew up as a rather thin and shy young man. To overcome the complexes, in 1964 he enrolled in the boxing section and quickly proved himself to be a promising athlete. Coaches noted his iron will, the absence of the slightest self-pity. In 1967 and 1968, Yavlinsky won the 2nd welterweight title among junior boxers. After that, the question arose before the guy: punch the way to professional boxing with gloves or tie it up. He chose the second, by that time he was seriously carried away by the economy.

As the politician himself noted, the starting point was an episode from childhood. He walked down the street, clutching in his hand 6 rubles, which his mother gave him for a soccer ball. In the sports shop it turned out that the ball costs 8 rubles 30 kopecks. The frustrated boy began to rack his brains: why exactly 8.30? And why does a bicycle cost 27 rubles, and a loaf costs 12 kopecks? Who sets prices for things?

Later I learned that the question of price in all economic theories and systems is the most important one. And the one who knows the answer to it becomes either a great scientist or a great financier.

. The purposeful young man set about trying to enter the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy - the famous "Pleshka", where a resident of the province had nothing to even think of entering without money and connections.

Grigory graduated from grade 10 at an evening school for working youth: he himself claimed that the family needed money, his critics believe that the passing score for university applicants for applicants with work experience was lower. There was also a version that Yavlinsky was forced to leave the secondary school because of the scandal - allegedly he was used to solving conflicts not with words, but with his fists. One way or another, he got a job as an electrician at a local glass factory, and in 1969 he entered the Faculty of Labor Economics of the Institute. Plekhanov.

student body

The young man did not feel like a provincial, he easily joined the team of Moscow youth. Studying was given to Grigory effortlessly, because he had a good knowledge base in economic disciplines. But alcohol and tobacco, even in his free student years, were not included in the list of his interests.

Among the best students, Gregory visited Czechoslovakia, although the trip had adverse consequences. Together with the group, he went to the bathhouse, where a scandal broke out between him and the Komsomol organizer: Grisha argued that, given the amount of blood shed for socialism, Soviet people deserve a much more decent life, the opponent replied: “One could have put a hundred times more for socialism of people". The student defended his position not only with his fists, but also with a basin for washing. The Komsomol organizer remained alive, but scribbled complaints to all possible authorities. Paradoxically, the story ended with a recommendation to include Yavlinsky in the ranks of the CPSU.

Together with classmates, Yavlinsky was engaged in "samizdat" - illegally published the student newspaper "We". However, an affair with classmate Elena stopped him from immersing himself in the political environment. In 1973, Grigory graduated from the university with honors and continued his education in graduate school. The topic of his Ph.D. thesis, which he successfully defended in 1976, was "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."

Labor activity

After graduating from graduate school, Yavlinsky began climbing the career ladder from the position of senior engineer at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (then he was promoted to senior researcher). His duties were to compile manuals with instructions for each position, from an ordinary miner to a mine manager.

In those years, Yavlinsky had to travel a lot around the country. He visited all the mining cities, and everywhere he saw the same picture: empty shelves in stores, lack of comfortable housing, transport, complete disregard for labor standards, dirt and devastation all around. Since then, the question “How to make people live and work normally?” stuck firmly in his head.

Once a young specialist, along with colleagues, fell under a blockage and stood for 10 hours waist-deep in icy water. They were rescued, but of the five people, three died in the hospital.

In the early 80s, Yavlinsky moved to the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs, and was the head of the heavy industry sector. For two years he studied ways to improve the economic mechanism in the country, and in 1982 he sent out a report to fellow scientists summarizing the results of his work. The conclusion was this: we must either return to Stalin's times, or provide industry with economic freedom.

Three days after the mailing, Yavlinsky was called to the carpet to the investigator. Visits with questions continued every day, from May to November. November 10 - the day of Brezhnev's death - the investigator said: "You can no longer come." But the misadventures did not end there: a medical examination suddenly revealed acute tuberculosis in Yavlinsky. Despite certificates from other doctors proving that he was healthy, Grigory was sent to a dispensary (according to the recollections of his acquaintances, the conditions there were comparable to prison ones) for 9 months, and in his absence, someone entered his apartment and burned all scientific developments .

After his release, Yavlinsky continued to work for the State Committee for Labor. Over the next five years, he "grew" to the position of head of the department of social development and population. In August 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who taught with Grigory at the Plekhanov Institute, and had just been elected deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, invited Yavlinsky to his commission dealing with economic reforms.

Economic reforms

The 500 Days Program (originally called 400 Days of Trust) was developed by Yavlinsky, Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov and provided for the speedy transfer of the country's economy to a market economy. Boris Yeltsin (at that time Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR) got acquainted with the document, and instructed to create a working group for the further development of the program.

In July 1990, Yavlinsky was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and head of the state commission for economic reforms.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Briefly about the 500 Days Program

On September 1, 1990, the program was presented to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. However, due to disagreements with Nikolai Ryzhkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, who was working on an alternative economic reform program, Grigory Yavlinsky resigned. Together with like-minded people, he created the EPIcenter Center for Economic and Political Research and became its permanent chairman.

In 1991, Yavlinsky continued to cooperate with the authorities: he dealt with macroeconomic issues at the request of Mikhail Gorbachev, his candidacy was considered by Yeltsin for the post of prime minister, but the choice fell on Yegor Gaidar. When Yeltsin signed the Belovezhskaya Pact in December 1991, which severed political and economic relations with the former Soviet republics, Yavlinsky left the government in protest.

EPIcenter continued to develop an alternative to Gaidar's reforms. In particular, Yavlinsky proposed to eliminate the huge cash overhang (money that has settled in the hands of citizens due to the lack of ways to spend it) through the privatization of small private property.

In May 1992, Yavlinsky piloted a regional economic reform program in the Nizhny Novgorod region. At the same time, he joined the editorial board of Novaya Daily Gazeta (future Novaya Gazeta).

In 1993, the economist set about creating a privatization program in Moscow. He proposed to carry out the privatization of state property through auctions: it was proposed to give 10% of the proceeds to the city budget, and 90% to be used for the development of the enterprise being bought out. The management of the repurchased enterprise would be carried out under a contract, and in the event of the failure of the investor, Moscow would have to declare the enterprise bankrupt, appoint a new manager and, after reorganization, put it up for auction again. The main principles that Yavlinsky adhered to in his program were healthy competition, a strict system of antitrust measures and the protection of private property. In 1995, the Moscow government accepted Yavlinsky's program, but reworked the author's version beyond recognition.

Party "Yabloko"

During the political crisis of 1993, Yavlinsky called on the president and parliament to compromise, but then abandoned this idea and condemned the armed rebellion.

Grigory Yavlinsky during the 1991 coup

In the fall, Grigory Yavlinsky announced the creation of the Yabloko electoral bloc, which stood apart from both the Democrats and the Communists. As stated in the faction's manifesto, they advocated democratic values ​​but were critical of the way the government achieved them.

Members of the party, whose leadership also included Yuri Boldyrev and Vladimir Lukin ("Yabloko" - an abbreviation of the names Yavlinsky, Boldyrev, Lukin), took an active part in the development of new economic laws of the country, participated in the investigation of the events of October 1993.

Yabloko members presented their electoral program "There is another way of development." The paper covered the following issues:

1. There are no institutions of rights and freedoms in the country, citizens are not involved in political life, and there is a high risk of becoming a country of “failed democracy”.
2. Monopolies must be destroyed immediately, the country must create conditions for the development of competition and start land reform.
3. In the field of social policy, emphasis should be placed on preschool medicine and secondary education.
4. In order to create a federal state and eliminate separatist sentiments, it is important to pay attention to the development of the system of local governments.
5. The main thesis of the party is not to lie to voters.

In the elections to the State Duma of the 1st convocation, Yabloko won 7.86% of the vote (more than 4.2 million voters) and received 27 seats. Subsequently, the percentage of those who voted for Yabloko decreased: 6.89% in 1995, 5.93% in 1999.

The faction put at the forefront:

1. The maximum approximation of Russian legislation to the European one with the hope of joining the European Union within two decades.
2. Put the Russian economy on the rails of liberalism (simple economic legislation, low taxes, open competition), which was supposed to give impetus to the development of small and medium-sized businesses.
3. To transform Russia into a democratic law-based state that respects all the constitutional rights and freedoms of an ordinary citizen.

The small "Yabloko" has repeatedly gone into opposition to the government: it voted against the budget, twice (in 1997 and 2003) handed a vote of no confidence to the government, opposed the permission to import spent nuclear waste into Russia and for the impeachment of Yeltsin in 1999.

Yavlinsky actively expressed his position on the situation in Chechnya: he advocated the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya and allowing the inhabitants of the republic to independently determine their future fate. During the Second Chechen campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky once again expressed himself against the conduct of hostilities.

Grigory Yavlinsky talks about his program (1995)

During the hostage-taking at the Dubrovka Theater Center (“Nord-Ost”) in 2002, Yavlinsky was among the few politicians with whom the terrorists were ready to negotiate - the reason for this was his critical attitude in the military campaign in Chechnya. Yavlinsky managed to get eight children out of the captured center.

In 2008, Yavlinsky ceased to be the head of Yabloko - his place was taken by the head of the Moscow branch of the party, Sergei Mitrokhin. However, Yavlinsky is still on the political committee of the party.

Presidential elections

In 1996, Grigory Yavlinsky ran for president for the first time. The elections were presented to the Russians as a battle between the “democrat” Yeltsin and the “communist” Zyuganov. Yavlinsky acted as a "third force". The slogan under which the leader of "Yabloko" went to the polls sounded like "Choose a normal person." Later, General Alexander Lebed and ophthalmologist Stanislav Fedorov appeared on the list of candidates.

Yavlinsky's election video, full version

When in 1999 Yeltsin named the candidacy of the prime minister - Vladimir Putin - it was discussed at a meeting of the State Duma. Yavlinsky spoke out against it - the politician believed that a native of the KGB had no place in power. Inside Yabloko, the votes were divided: 40% voted for Putin's candidacy, 17% against, the rest either did not vote or abstained. Yavlinsky himself voted in favor of Vladimir Vladimirovich, asking permission from the other members of the faction.

On December 31, 1999, Yeltsin announced his resignation, and Vladimir Putin became acting president. On January 19, Yavlinsky was nominated for the presidency. The slogan of the second campaign of Gregory: "For Russia without dictators and oligarchs." The politician outlined his ideas in the work “Breakthrough Strategy”.

From the first days of the election race, Yavlinsky refused to cooperate with Putin. The Yabloko leader accused him of unleashing a war in Chechnya, infringing on the free press, and risking the creation of a brutal authoritarian regime. “Putin is a sovereign, I am a liberal and a democrat,” the politician noted. According to the results of the elections on March 26, 2000, Yavlinsky took third place with 5.8% of the vote. Vladimir Putin scored 50.94% and won.

In 2011, in the elections to the State Duma of the VI convocation, Yavlinsky headed the lists of the Yabloko party. According to the voting results, the faction received 3.34% of the votes, while Yavlinsky noted that about 20% of voters voted for Yabloko. Yabloko observers revealed numerous violations at polling stations, which became one of the reasons for thousands of rallies throughout Russia. The people who took to the streets demanded that the “Putin group” be removed from power.

In December 2011, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate during the Yabloko congress. The politician called on like-minded people for a legal and non-violent change of power, advocated the organization of new, fair parliamentary elections, the reform of the judiciary, the restoration of elective governorship, and the elimination of total control over the press.

During the period of registration of candidates for the presidential elections, the CEC refused Yavlinsky: out of 2.08 million signatures, 1.93 million were recognized as reliable. The percentage of falsified or unconfirmed signatures was 2.74% (with an allowed 5% threshold), but the decision of the CEC was final. Yavlinsky called this event politically conditioned; Among the protesters on Bolotnaya Square on February 4, 2012, there were many who demanded the reinstatement of Yavlinsky as a candidate.

Grigory Yavlinsky in the studio of Vladimir Pozner (November 2017)

Personal life of Grigory Yavlinsky

Elena Anatolyevna Smotryaeva (b. 1951), according to information from open sources, worked as a laboratory assistant at the Plekhanov Institute, where she met her future husband.

In 1971, their son Mikhail was born (a theoretical physicist by education, a graduate of Moscow State University, works as a journalist at the BBC). In 1981, the youngest son Alexei was born (a programmer, a specialist in the field of Big Data).

In the spring of 1996, when a prominent Russian politician participated in the presidential campaign that was gaining momentum, a terrible misfortune befell the family. The criminals, whose identity was subsequently never established, kidnapped Mikhail Yavlinsky. The kidnappers got in touch, giving Yavlinsky Sr. a harsh ultimatum: a political career or his son's life. Severed phalanges of fingers were attached to the letter ...

Grigory Yavlinsky about sons

After this threat, the criminals immediately released the young man to freedom. The surgeons managed to restore the hand (although Mikhail could no longer play his favorite piano), but for security reasons, the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to the UK.

Grigory Yavlinsky now

In 2018, Grigory Yavlinsky announced his candidacy for the presidential elections. Voters were presented with the Road to the Future program, the points of which can be summarized as follows:

• End the conflict with Ukraine by recognizing the illegality of Russia's annexation of Crimea, withdrawing Russian troops from the Donbass, and ceasing to cultivate hatred of Ukraine in the state media.
• Gradually withdraw troops from Syria.
• Establish diplomatic relations with Europe and the United States and not interfere in the political life of other countries.
• To begin the "sanation" of internal political and social life.
• Introduce a package of economic reforms aimed at supporting private property, small and medium-sized businesses, and providing citizens with income from the export of natural resources.

In addition to Grigory Yavlinsky, Pavel Grudinin (a candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation instead of Gennady Zyuganov), Ksenia Sobchak (“a candidate against all”), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPR), Alexei Navalny (the CEC refused to register his candidacy because of the “case Kirovles).

For more than a quarter of a century, the name of Grigory Yavlinsky has been on a par with the names of Russian politicians advocating fundamental economic reforms in Russia. Despite the ambiguous attitude of the people, Yavlinsky's Yabloko party is still one of the leading opposition blocs in the country.

Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the city of Lvov, Ukrainian SSR. The father of the future politician - Alexei Grigoryevich Yavlinsky (1917-1981) - lived an interesting, eventful life. Left an orphan in early childhood, Alexey was homeless. In 1930, the teenager ended up in the Kharkov commune under the leadership. After graduation, he went to study at a flight school. Passed the Great Patriotic War, graduated with the rank of senior lieutenant in Czechoslovakia. After the war, Alexei Yavlinsky graduated from the Lviv Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He worked as the head of a children's distribution colony for homeless children.

Grigory Yavlinsky's mother is Vera Naumovna (1924-1997). Gregory's father met her when he came to visit relatives in Lvov. A month after they met, the couple got married. Vera Naumovna graduated from Lviv University, taught chemistry. Gregory has a younger brother, Michael. He lives in Lviv, is engaged in private business.

The Yavlinsky family lived very poorly. But, according to Grigory Alekseevich, parents did not spare money for summer vacation and education of children. Gregory loved to read and played the piano. He was seriously engaged in boxing - he twice became the champion among juniors of Ukraine. From early childhood, the future politician gravitated towards foreign languages. A neighbor studied English with little Grisha. He studied at school number 3 in the city of Lviv.

A few years before graduation, he transferred to evening classes. He worked at the post office, a glass appliance factory, and a tannery. After leaving school in 1969, Yavlinsky went to Moscow and entered the Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov at the Faculty of General Economics.

Politics

In 1973, Grigory Yavlinsky graduated from the institute with honors, in 1976 - postgraduate studies. After graduating from graduate school, he compiled reference books and job descriptions at VNIUugol. In 1978 he defended his PhD thesis. In 1980, Grigory Yavlinsky became deputy head of the research institute department, and then head of the Goskomtrud department. At that time, the first tacit friction between the young economist and the authorities began.

The Labor Committee, headed by Yuri Batalin, did not like Yavlinsky's work “Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR” (1985), which predicted an imminent economic crisis in the USSR. The printed 600 copies of the work were confiscated, and Yavlinsky became a frequent guest during interrogations at the KGB. The story ended with Yavlinsky's long stay in a closed sanatorium for tuberculosis patients. They released him only after coming to power.

In the summer of 1989, the former institute teacher of Yavlinsky and former deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Leonid Abalkin appointed Grigory Alekseevich head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. On July 14, 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR approved Yavlinsky as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. At the same time, he headed the state commission for economic reform.

The reform consisted in bringing into action a program called "500 days", created by Yavlinsky together with Alexei Mikhailov. It consisted in the transfer of the union economy to market conditions, the introduction of private property, and the strengthening of the small business sector. On September 1, 1990, the 500 Days program was announced before the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

After Gorbachev's proposal to combine the "500 Days" project with the alternative "Main Directions of Development", created by order (of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR), Yavlinsky resigned. In October 1990, Grigory Alekseevich opened the Center for Political and Economic Research. From October to December 1991, Yavlinsky was a member of the Political Consultative Committee under the President of the USSR.

In December 2002, the Yabloko party lost the elections to the State Duma. And in March 2004, by decision of the presidium of Yabloko, Yavlinsky refused to nominate himself for the presidential elections in Russia, calling the struggle unfair. In June 2008, he also refused to participate in re-elections for the post of leader of Yabloko. Practically ceasing political activity, he became a teacher at the Higher School of Economics.

In December 2011, the Yabloko congress nominated Grigory Yavlinsky as a candidate for the Russian presidency in 2012. The CEC refused to register Grigory Alekseevich. The motive was the missing number of votes, but Yavlinsky called the CEC decision political.

Personal life

Grigory Yavlinsky is married. Wife - Elena Anatolyevna, engineer-economist. The couple have two sons. The youngest, Alexei, was born in 1981. He graduated from a private school and the Open University in London. Works in England as a research engineer on the creation of computer systems.

The eldest, Mikhail, the son of his wife from his first marriage, was born in 1971. He graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University with a degree in nuclear physics and works as a journalist. After the kidnapping of Mikhail and political threats to Grigory Alekseevich in 1994, the family insisted on the young man moving to England.

Grigory Yavlinsky now

Yavlinsky's name regularly appears in the press. The name of a politician, like any public person, is associated with a lot of scandalous publications on the topics: “real name”, “nationality”, etc. Grigory Alekseevich even filed a lawsuit against a TV journalist and the M1 TV channel for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation and won the process.

He spoke out with sharp criticism of the Russian government in foreign policy. Yavlinsky's statement about Crimea and Ukraine caused a great resonance in the press:

“... on the sly, the annexation of Crimea also took place ... they want this (Ukraine) to be a failed state, so that it would be the outskirts and appendage of Russia”

On March 4, 2016, Yavlinsky announced his participation in the 2018 Russian presidential election. The politician marked the start of the presidential campaign with the statement:

“I will win the elections from Putin and return the Crimea.”

The last initiative of Grigory Alekseevich was the action "Time to return home", which started on June 19, 2017. The goal is to collect signatures in favor of Russia's withdrawal from military conflicts. The program of the presidential candidate, statements, biography, photos are regularly updated on the official website of Grigory Yavlinsky.

Politician's slogan: “To behave like a superpower, one must be one. And this is impossible with the economy we have today.”

Former leader of the Yabloko party

Yavlinsky, Grigory

Former leader of the Yabloko party

Russian politician and economist, former chairman of the Russian United Party Yabloko (ROPD Yabloko) (left his post in June 2008), member of its political committee since 2008. Since 2011 - head of the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. In 1994-2003, he headed the party faction in the State Duma. Twice - in 1996 and 1999 - he ran for the presidency of the Russian Federation, took fourth and third places. In 1991 - Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR Government, Deputy Chairman of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy (KOUNH). In 1990, he served as Deputy Chairman of the Government of the RSFSR. In the summer of 1990, he prepared the program "500 days". He opposed the economic reforms carried out by Yegor Gaidar in 1991-92, the privatization of 1992-94, developed by Anatoly Chubais, and the forceful solution of the Chechen conflict. Doctor of Economic Sciences. Twice champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors.

Yavlinsky studied first at a secondary school, then at an evening school for working youth. In his certificate, among the "fives" there was only one "four" - in the Ukrainian language,. Simultaneously with his studies in 1968-69, he worked as a postman, an apprentice for a master at a leather goods factory, and as an instrument fitter at the Raduga glass factory. Actively went in for sports. Twice, in 1967 and 1969, he became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors,,. Initially, Yavlinsky wanted to become a policeman, then, under the influence of his father, a teacher, and only after becoming interested in pricing issues, an economist. According to him, in connection with this, while still at school, he read Karl Marx's "Capital", , , , , , .

In 1969, Yavlinsky entered the general economic faculty of the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy (MINH). In 1973 he graduated from it and immediately, on the recommendation of the academic council of the university, he entered graduate school. In Yavlinsky's diploma, most of the grades were "five", there were several "fours" and one "three",. During his studies, he twice won the institute competition of jokes and once fought with the Komsomol organizer of the faculty, after which the question was raised about his expulsion from the Komsomol,. The fight happened in Czechoslovakia, where students were doing their practice, in a bathhouse while talking about politics. The reason was the statement of the Komsomol organizer about the admissibility of the destruction of a large number of people to build socialism. In response, Yavlinsky called the Komsomol functionary "a cannibal, a Stalinist and a Maoist" and hit him with a bath basin. However, in the end, the Komsomol meeting of the university, which discussed Yavlinsky's behavior, not only did not expel him from the Komsomol, but even gave him a recommendation to the party,. In 1976, Yavlinsky defended his dissertation for the degree of candidate of economic sciences on the topic "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry", , , , , .

In 1976-77, Yavlinsky worked as a senior engineer, and in 1978-80, as a senior researcher at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNII Coal). He was engaged in the rationing of the work of workers and engineers of mines and cuts. In connection with this, he traveled a lot around the country, spent a long time in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk. During a visit to one of the cuts, he had an industrial accident - for several hours, together with a group of workers and employees, he was in a flooded mine. They were rescued, but three of the people involved in the accident died in the hospital from hypothermia. The result of Yavlinsky's work at the All-Russian Research Institute was the development of a qualification handbook that normalizes job rates and volumes of tasks for various positions in the coal industry,,,,,.

In 1980, Yavlinsky was appointed head (according to other sources, deputy head) of the heavy industry sector of the Labor Research Institute (Research Institute of Labor) of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs. In 1982 he became the head of the labor management sector of the department of general problems of this institute,,. In May 1982, he wrote a report "On the improvement of the economic mechanism in the USSR", where he warned of the possibility of an economic crisis in the absence of serious economic transformations. The report was released in a limited edition under the heading "For Official Use". In July, Yavlinsky was summoned to the first department of the institute (which was part of the KGB structure for Soviet enterprises and research institutes, which was involved in maintaining the secrecy regime), and the manuscript of the report and drafts were confiscated. According to Yavlinsky, after that, until the death of General Secretary of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev in November of the same year, he went to the department almost daily and answered the question of where he got the information and conclusions for the report. Once Yavlinsky replied that from an analysis of the works of Marx,,,,.

Since 1984, Yavlinsky worked in the system of the State Committee for Labor. Until 1985, he was deputy head of the consolidated department for labor and social issues, in 1985-88 - deputy head of the department for improving management systems. In 1986, together with colleagues, he prepared a draft law on the state enterprise, which was rejected by the government. In 1989, he became the head of the Department of Social Development and Population,,,.

At the end of 1989 (according to other sources, in 1990), Yavlinsky moved to the Council of Ministers of the USSR to the post of head of the consolidated economic department. According to media reports, Yavlinsky received this post thanks to the patronage of the academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the first deputy chairman of the USSR government Leonid Abalkin, with whom he often worked on scientific issues before. In July-August, together with Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Stanislav Shatalin, Yavlinsky headed a group of economists who developed the 500 Days program, a plan for transforming the Soviet economy into a market one, on the general order of the governments of the USSR and the RSFSR. In August, Yavlinsky was appointed First Deputy of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. Despite the fact that the program "500 days" was approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and the Supreme Soviets of the Union Republics, its adoption was delayed. In this regard, in October 1990, Yavlinsky resigned,,,.

After leaving the government, Yavlinsky created and headed the research institute "Center for Economic and Political Research - EPIcenter". Under the leadership of Yavlinsky, the employees of the EPIcenter, together with scientists from Harvard University (USA), developed a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system "Consent for a Chance". The program was not implemented , , , .

After the August 1991 coup (an attempted coup d'etat by the State Committee for the State of Emergency, or GKChP), the government of the USSR actually collapsed. Management of the economy was transferred to a specially created committee for the operational management of the national economy (KOUNH), headed by Ivan Silaev. Yavlinsky (along with the President of the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR Arkady Volsky and Deputy Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov) was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Committee with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister by decree of the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev. The working group headed by him prepared an agreement "On economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR", the purpose of which was to preserve the common economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of its future political structure. In October, the agreement was signed by representatives of ten union republics and ratified by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. However, Russia's first president, Boris Yeltsin, strongly opposed the treaty. In his opinion, without economic obligations to the less developed republics, Russia could quickly switch to a market economy. In November, Yeltsin offered Yavlinsky the post of prime minister in the government of the RSFSR on the condition of severing economic ties with other republics. Yavlinsky refused the offer. As a result, Yegor Gaidar became Deputy Prime Minister responsible for economic reforms. Yavlinsky, on the day after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords on December 8, 1991 (signed by Yeltsin and the heads of Ukraine and Belarus Stanislav Shushkevich and Leonid Kravchuk, agreements on the dissolution of the USSR and the creation of the Union of Independent States, or CIS) left the government, after which the KOUNH ceased to exist,, , , , , , .

In January 1992, Yavlinsky again headed the EPIcenter. In the spring, a group of economists under his leadership prepared an alternative project to Gaidar's reforms. Yavlinsky repeatedly accused Gaidar and Yeltsin of excessive radicalism in the liberalization (holiday) of prices and inattention to the social consequences of such actions. In May-November 1992, EPIcenter, together with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, headed by Boris Nemtsov, developed a program of regional reforms. Thanks to this program of price liberalization in the Nizhny Novgorod region, the stabilization of the economy was preceded by, in particular, the first issue of regional loan bonds in the Russian Federation,. In 1993-94, Yavlinsky led the development of the Moscow Privatization project, which was an alternative to the privatization plans of the head of the State Property Committee, Anatoly Chubais. In 1995, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov approved the Yavlinsky program,,,,,.

After Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of parliament in September 1993 and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council to remove the president from power, Yavlinsky proposed calling early presidential and parliamentary elections,,,.

In December 1993, Yavlinsky participated in the elections to the State Duma as chairman of the electoral bloc "Yavlinsky - Boldyrev - Lukin" - "Yabloko". Yavlinsky's deputies in the block were scientist and diplomat Vladimir Lukin and EPIcenter employee Yuri Boldyrev. The creators of Yabloko considered it a democratic alternative to the current government. In the elections, the bloc received 7.86 percent of the votes , , , , .

In November 1994, immediately after the start of the first Chechen conflict (1994-1996), Yavlinsky took a tough anti-war stance. In November-December 1994, he offered himself as a hostage in exchange for Russian prisoners of war captured by Chechen separatists during a tank attack on Grozny,. Later, Yavlinsky took an anti-war position during the beginning of the second Chechen campaign in the fall of 1999. Through the media, he criticized the head of RAO "UES" and co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces (SPS) Chubais for saying that "the Russian army will be reborn in Chechnya",. Yavlinsky called for negotiations with the head of the separatists, Aslan Maskhadov, and at the same time demanded that the government fight precisely with terrorists,,,,,.

In January 1995, on the basis of the block of the same name, the Yabloko public movement was created. Yavlinsky became its chairman. In December of the same year, as the leader of the movement, he participated in the elections to the State Duma. As a result of the elections, Yabloko received 6.89 percent of the votes,,,,,.

In 1996, Yavlinsky was nominated by Yabloko as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. In the elections held on June 16, he won 7.4 percent of the vote, finishing fourth after the current President of the Russian Federation Yeltsin (35.8 percent), the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov (32.5 percent) and General Alexander Lebed (14.7 percent). In the second round of elections, which included Yeltsin and Zyuganov, Yavlinsky opposed both candidates. Lebed supported Yeltsin, who was elected president for the second time on July 3, with 53.82 percent of the vote,,.

In September 1998, after the State Duma twice refused to approve the candidacy of Viktor Chernomyrdin proposed by Yeltsin for the post of prime minister (he held this post in 1992-98), Yavlinsky proposed a compromise figure for Foreign Minister Yevgeny Primakov to replace the prime minister. After his appointment, Primakov offered Yavlinsky the post of First Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, but he refused. The reason for the refusal was disagreement with the economic program of the new chairman of the cabinet of ministers,,.

In December 1999, the Yabloko association headed by Yavlinsky again participated in the State Duma elections, gaining 5.98 percent of the vote and barely overcoming the five percent barrier established by law. The media explained this by Yavlinsky's position on Chechnya, which does not take into account the current mood of the voters, and by the good financing of Yabloko's main rival, the SPS,,,,,.

In January 2000, Yavlinsky again participated in the presidential elections in the Russian Federation. He won 5.8 percent of the vote and took third place, behind Yeltsin's successor, Acting President and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (52.94 percent) and Zyuganov (29.21 percent). Observers noted that Yavlinsky's participation in the elections was largely nominal - he had no chance of becoming president and only represented the democratic opposition to Putin in the elections (most of Putin's SPS supported,),,,,.

In March 2004, Yavlinsky, by decision of the Yabloko party, refused to participate in the presidential elections in the Russian Federation and, thus, actually boycotted them. This was due to the fact that, according to Yavlinsky, after the election campaign for the election of deputies of the State Duma in 2003 in Russia, there was no opportunity to hold free and fair elections,,.

In February 2005, Yavlinsky defended his dissertation at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI) for the degree of Doctor of Economics. Dissertation topic: "The socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization" .

Yavlinsky sharply opposed the criminal prosecution of the head of the Yukos oil company, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, explaining this prosecution with political motives. After Khodorkovsky's conviction in May 2005, Yavlinsky confirmed that he considered the trial, in which he said the formal charges did not coincide with the merits of the case, not legal, but political. At the same time, he noted that "selective repressive measures cannot solve the problem of overcoming the consequences of criminal privatization",,.

In June 2007, at a meeting of Yabloko's federal council, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate in the upcoming March 2008 elections. Novye Izvestia noted that on the eve of the start of the election campaign, his candidacy still had to be approved by the Yabloko congress; At the same time, Yavlinsky himself admitted that, as a result, another person could become a candidate from his party. On September 16, 2007, the party congress approved the final version of the lists of its candidates for participation in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The first three of the federal list of Yabloko were headed by Yavlinsky,.

On December 2, 2007 parliamentary elections were held in Russia. Yabloko again failed to overcome the electoral barrier and get into the State Duma of the fifth convocation: the party won 1.59 percent of the vote.

In March 2008, Yavlinsky was invited to the Kremlin for a personal meeting with Russian President Putin. The details of their conversation remained unknown, it was only reported that, in addition to general "issues of the socio-economic development of the country," the position of the opposition in Russia was also discussed. The conversation also touched upon the arrest of the leader of the St. Petersburg branch of Yabloko Maxim Reznik, who was accused of beating a police officer. When Yavlinsky was asked on REN TV whether Putin had made him an offer, the leader of Yabloko did not give a clear answer, repeating several times: "I don't know...",. A few days after Yavlinsky's meeting with Putin, Daniil Kotsiubinsky, a representative of the St. Petersburg branch of Yabloko, suggested that the liberal politician leave the post of party leader. Addressing fellow party members, Kotsyubinsky said that, in his opinion, Yavlinsky, having entered into "secret negotiations with the head of the political regime," endangered the existence of the party as such.

On June 21, at the XV Congress of Yabloko, Yavlinsky refused to be nominated for the post of party leader in favor of the head of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, Sergei Mitrokhin. Explaining his choice, Yavlinsky stressed that the party must move forward, and its representatives must be given the opportunity to grow and become leaders. "I dream that the party could exist without me - this is the meaning of my life," Yavlinsky said,. On June 22, Mitrokhin was elected the new chairman of the party, - 75 out of 125 delegates (60 percent of the delegates) voted for his candidacy,. After resigning from the post of head of Yabloko, Yavlinsky became a member of the party's political committee.

In December 2009, Yavlinsky became - along with the leader of the organization "Business Russia" and co-chairman of the party "Just Cause" Boris Titov and expert Vladislav Inozemtsev - one of the leaders of the public council "Zamodernization.RU", which was supposed to bring together businessmen and experts to develop a strategy modernization of Russia, .

At the same time, Yavlinsky continued to speak in the media,. Thus, in the spring of 2011, the politician published an article entitled "Lies and Legitimacy" on the Radio Liberty website. In it, Yavlinsky, pointing to the "continuously deepening and turning into an insurmountable split between the government and the people, the state and society" in the country, stated that the power in Russia after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in 1918 remains illegitimate, therefore it is necessary to re-convene this body in order to he restored "genuine Russian statehood."

In the fall of 2011, Yavlinsky topped Yabloko's list in the elections to the Russian State Duma of the sixth convocation. According to the results of the vote that took place on December 4, 2011, the party did not overcome the five percent barrier and did not receive seats in parliament,. Nevertheless, Yabloko managed to get into the legislative assembly of St. Petersburg at the same time: the party received 12.5 percent of the vote and 6 mandates. Yavlinsky, who also headed the party list in these elections, agreed to head the Yabloko faction in St. Petersburg. He received a deputy mandate on December 14, 2011,,,.

On December 19, 2011, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia in the elections, which were scheduled for March 2012,. On January 18, 2012, the politician handed over to the Central Election Commission two million signatures of voters in his support, necessary for participation in the elections. The CEC, after checking the signatures, refused to register Yavlinsky as a candidate, rejecting 25.66 percent of the submitted signatures (according to the law, no more than five percent of the marriage was allowed),. On February 8, 2012, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation considered Yavlinsky's complaint against the decision of the CEC, but recognized the refusal to register as legal.

Yavlinsky is the author of a number of works on economics. Including books - "Analysis of the Economy of the USSR" (1982), "New Management System" (1988), "Prices and Compensations" (1990), "Lessons of Economic Reform" (1993), "Reforms for the Majority" (1995). He regularly lectures on economics at domestic and foreign universities,.

Yavlinsky is married. His wife, Elena Anatolyevna, is an engineer-economist by education, she studied with Yavlinsky at the Moscow Mining Institute. She worked at the Research Institute "Giprouglemash", later she was engaged in housekeeping. The Yavlinskys have two sons, Mikhail and Alexei, born in 1971 and 1981. Mikhail (Yavlinsky's adopted son, born in his wife's first marriage) graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University, in 2005 he lived in the UK, worked as a journalist. Alexey also moved to the UK, in 2005 he studied at one of the British technical institutes, studied computer science. Yavlinsky also has a brother Mikhail - a Lviv businessman,,,,,.

Yavlinsky runs, sometimes boxing. Hobbies - socializing with friends and family , , .

Used materials

The Supreme Court upheld the CEC's refusal to register Yavlinsky. - RIA News, 08.02.2012

The CEC denied Yavlinsky registration as a presidential candidate. - RIA News, 27.01.2012

Irina Nagornykh, Maxim Ivanov. Candidate screening. - Kommersant, 01/23/2012. - No. 10/P (4795)

Alexey Gorbachev. The apple is ripe. - Independent newspaper, 19.12.2011

Viktor Khamraev. Grigory Yavlinsky is again a candidate. - Kommersant, 12/19/2011. - No. 237/P (4778)

The "SRs" refused to take the mandates of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg from the hands of the head of the electoral committee, unlike Yavlinsky. - RIA News, 14.12.2011

Deputies of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 5th convocation were handed mandates. - RBC, 14.12.2011

The CEC of the Russian Federation announced the official results of the elections to the State Duma. - RBC, 09.12.2011

Yavlinsky will head the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. - ITAR-TASS, 07.12.2011

Yabloko approved the electoral list for the State Duma. - infox.ru, 11.09.2011

"Yabloko" nominated G. Yavlinsky to the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. - Business Petersburg, 07.09.2011

Grigory Yavlinsky. Lies and legitimacy. - Radio Liberty, 06.04.2011

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky
Biography. Details.
http://www.yavlinsky.ru/dossier/biography/index.phtml

"Combination of knowledge
Eloquence And Valor"
W. Shakespeare "Hamlet"

Surname

According to family legend, the surname came from the name of the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow (Elokhovskaya Church), in which one of the ancestors of Grigory Yavlinsky served. The "cousin" branch of the family bears the surname Yavlensky.

Family

Father - Alexei Grigorievich Yavlinsky.
The exact date of birth is unknown. The year 1919 is indicated in the passport, but the brothers of Alexei Grigorievich said that he could have been born in 1912 or 1917. An open date of birth is not uncommon for that time: wars, revolutions. Aleksey, like many children then, was left without parents, he was homeless - the older brothers themselves were small and could not feed the younger ones.

In the early 1930s, Aleksey Yavlinsky was brought up in the commune-colony of Anton Semenovich Makarenko named after Dzerzhinsky in Kharkov. The famous teacher doubted that Alexei would be a good judge: as he said, he was "too freedom-loving and spoiled."

In 1937-38, when almost all the boys dreamed of becoming pilots or tankers, Aleksey Grigorievich entered the Bataysky flight school to study. But the character made itself felt: for participating in a fight that lasted several days, Alexei was expelled from the school.
In 1939 he was drafted into the army (he served in Andijan in Central Asia).

Alexei Grigorievich ended up in the active army in February 1942 - he ended up in the North Caucasus in the artillery troops. Soon he became the battery commander of the artillery regiment of the 333rd Guards Mountain Rifle Order of the Red Banner of the Turkestan Division.

As part of the 52nd Separate Primorsky Army, he participated in the Kerch landing, liberated the Crimea, Ukraine, and Czechoslovakia. A street in the Czech city of Olomouc was named in his honor - the battery of Alexei Grigorievich was the first to enter the city liberated from German troops. He finished the war in the Tatras (Czechoslovakia) as a senior lieutenant.

He was awarded military awards: the Order of the Patriotic War of the 2nd degree and the Order of the Red Star, the medal "For Military Merit".

After the war, Alexei Grigorievich married in 1947 and settled in Lvov, graduated in absentia from the Faculty of History of the Lvov Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

In 1947-61 he worked as an educator, senior educator, head of a children's labor educational colony. In 1961, he was appointed head of the Children's Reception Center for homeless children. It seems that he turned out to be the only pupil of Makarenko who literally followed the teacher's example: he was engaged not just in raising children, but in homeless children and the so-called "difficult" teenagers.

In 1980, by decision of the Central Committee of Ukraine, children's institutions were transferred to the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The teachers, whom Yavlinsky Sr. carefully collected, were replaced by soldiers with machine guns, VOKhRA. Alexei Grigorievich was categorically against such changes. After another "hot" conversation with the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine he died of a heart attack (August 27, 1981).

The significance of Alexei Grigorievich for Grigory Yavlinsky can be read in detail in the collection of his interviews "Several Interviews on Personal Issues".

Mother GA - Vera Naumovna, was born in 1924 in Kharkov. Immediately after the war, her family moved to Lvov from Tashkent, where she lived in evacuation. Vera Naumovna graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University and taught chemistry at the Forestry Engineering Institute all her life.

GA's parents are buried in Lvov.

Father's brothers: Mikhail Grigorievich - pilot, died during the war. Semyon Grigoryevich realized another boyish dream - he became a scout. At the end of his life he taught English at a Moscow university. During the war, Leonid Grigoryevich worked as a driver, in particular, on the Road of Life, passing through the ice of Lake Ladoga, keeping in touch with the dying besieged Leningrad. After the war, he worked in a shoe factory.
Second cousin - Natan Yavlinsky (1912-1962), one of the creators of the "Tokamak" - a plasma installation for a controlled thermonuclear fusion reaction. "Tokamak" is used in industrial and military developments. Crashed in a plane crash.

Lviv - Moscow

Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in Ukraine, in Lvov. Five years later, his brother Mikhail was born.
“We didn’t live in poverty, but buying a toy was an event. Or if you tear your pants. I just didn’t know what pineapples, bananas, tangerine oranges were,” Grigory Alekseevich recalled. (Also read the stories of his mother, brothers, Lviv friends about his childhood.)

In the children's company, GA was the ringleader. More than once participated in fights "wall to wall".
In 1964, he began to seriously engage in boxing in the Dynamo sports society. He was a two-time junior boxing champion of Ukraine in the second welterweight division in 1967 and 1968. But in 1969, the coach decided it was time to choose, "boxing or everything else" and GA left serious boxing.

At that time, Yavlinsky already knew for sure that he wanted to become an economist. (His classmates tell about the school years of the GA, whom his friends called "Garik").

In the ninth grade, the GA decided that after graduating from school, you need to go to enter a good Moscow university. This required excellent knowledge of specialized subjects. In order to buy time for additional classes, the GA decided to move to an evening school for working youth. At the same time, he gets a job.

For a short time he worked at the Lvov post office as a freight forwarder, at a leather goods factory and "donkey" as an electrician at the Lvov glass company "Rainbow". (A colleague in the workshop Mikhailo Andreiko talks about “working days”.) Taking a vacation in the summer of 1969, he left for Moscow and entered the Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov (colloquially - Pleshka) to the general economic faculty with a degree in labor economics.

Pleshka - Council of Ministers

During the student years, in addition to studying, something else happened - marriage, caring for a small child. From the exotic: Yavlinsky twice ran at the joke competition, which was organized every year by Pleshka students.

In 1973 he graduated from the institute, and in 1976 - postgraduate studies, becoming a candidate of economic sciences. Dissertation topic: "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."

In 1976-77, the GA worked as a senior engineer, then a senior researcher at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNIUugol). Traveled all over the country, worked for a long time in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk. He was engaged in the rationing of the work of employees and engineers of mines and cuts, developed the first (and last) qualification handbook in the USSR (for the first time, job rates and volumes of tasks for each employee, safety standards for various works, etc.)

In 1980, the GA was appointed head of the heavy industry sector of the Labor Research Institute of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs.

In 1980-82 he dealt with the problems of improving the economic mechanism of the USSR. After speaking at the academic council with a scientific report on this topic (1982), all copies (including those sent out) of the abstracts of the report were seized, and the GA was "planted" in a tuberculosis hospital. Semyon Levin, a famous designer, tells about life there, the one who came up with the NTV brand name - the green “pea”.

Since 1984, the GA has been working in the system of the State Committee for Labor: as deputy head of the consolidated department, then head of the department for social development and population.

In the summer of 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who had just become Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and headed the commission on economic reform, invited him to the post of head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the apparatus of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on economic reform (known as the "Abalkin Commission").

Deputy Prime Minister of Russia - Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR

The ideology of economic development advocated by Yavlinsky did not receive support from Prime Minister Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov, and was not included in the final version of the government program.

In the winter-spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with Alexei Mikhailov and Mikhail Zadornov (then a junior research fellow at the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences), are working on a project to reform the economy of the USSR, called "400 Days of Trust". In it, a program of sequence of government actions for the corresponding period was painted by day.

The program fell into the hands of Mikhail Bocharov, a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, and under the name "500 days" was proposed by B.N. Yeltsin, then Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, as a program for reforming the Russian economy (and not the USSR, as in the Yavlinsky group).

At the initiative of Yavlinsky, an agreement is reached between the two conflicting parties - Gorbachev and Yeltsin - to develop joint measures to carry out economic reforms in the USSR on the basis of the "500 Days" program, and a working group for developing programs is being created.

B. Yeltsin entrusted the preparation of the document to a group of economists led by academician Stanislav Shatalin and M. Gorbachev to the group of Grigory Yavlinsky. The program was approved on September 11, 1990 by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

Yavlinsky was appointed to the post of deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform (Zadornov and Mikhailov became members of the commission with the rank of deputy ministers).

Academician Sergei Aleksashenko, Leonid Grigoriev, Mikhail Zadornov, Vladimir Mashits, Alexei Mikhailov, Nikolai Petrakov, Boris Fedorov, Stanislav Shatalin, Evgeny Yasin, Tatyana Yarygina, representatives of the Union Republics took part in the work.

By September 1, 1990, the 500 Days Program and 20 draft laws for it were prepared, approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and submitted to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR for consideration.

The program aroused resistance from the pre-Council of Ministers of the USSR Ryzhkov.
The atmosphere of the work of the two competing teams is characterized by the story of one of the participants in the working meetings at Gorbachev's. USSR Finance Minister Valentin Pavlov tried to hide the real budget figures. Yavlinsky from under the table (so that Gorbachev would not see) showed Pavlov a sheet of paper on which he wrote in large letters: "It smells like the Nuremberg Trials!"

Ryzhkov proposed to the Supreme Council an alternative draft "Basic Directions of Development" and threatened with his resignation. By that time, the political position taken by Gorbachev had also changed. Equal membership of all the republics, as assumed in the "500 days", and not vertical subordination to the Center seemed not to strengthen the union treaty, but an attack on it.
In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated the unification of the programs of Yavlinsky-Shatalin and Abalkin-Ryzhkov, which, in the opinion of both sides, was decidedly impossible.

The program of the President of the USSR was born out of a compromise between "500 Days" and "Main Directions". In addition, the Union and Russian governments did not fulfill their obligations, although most of the leaders of the republics of the SSR supported the "500 days", some republics accepted it as a basis in their Supreme Soviets, and the center began to receive work plans consistent with the main course of the program.

At a joint meeting of the House of Representatives and the House of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR on October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned. He stated that the transition to a market system would be made anyway, however, "entry into the market in this case will not be through stabilization, but through increasing inflation." (See also the letter of G.A. Yavlinsky to the deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR with a request for resignation.)

In addition to working on "500 Days", in three and a half months, Yavlinsky's team prepared the first law on privatization (the law "On the procedure for the acquisition of property by citizens from the state", subsequently greatly worsened by the Supreme Council) and the entire package of accompanying decrees; a new structure of the government was developed, corresponding to the time (in particular, with provisions on new committees: Antimonopoly, State Property Management, etc.); developed the technical side of the resolution "On Joint Stock Companies", which has been in force until recently.

At the end of 1990, Yavlinsky created (together with the team that began to take shape around him since his time at the Ministry of Labor) the non-governmental research organization EPICentre: Economic and Political Research Center. Yavlinsky is its permanent chairman. Subsequently, the work of the center became the most important component of the activities of the faction, and then the Yabloko party. In the 1990s, EPICenter rented premises on the 27th floor of the former CMEA building - with a view of the White House.

In April 1991, the US State Department officially invited Yavlinsky to a meeting of the G7 expert council with participant status. His speech at the "Seven" became the basis for creating a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system "Consent for a Chance". The work is carried out by the EPIcenter together with scientists from Harvard University (USA) with the political support of the President of the USSR M. Gorbachev. (Here - Mikhail Leontiev about the program "Consent for a Chance" and the program itself).

The draft was ready in July 1991 and made public at the next meeting of the G-7 in London. But Gorbachev soon abandoned its implementation under pressure from Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, V. Medvedev, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, secretary for ideology and V.A. Kryuchkov, chairman of the KGB.

During the coup in August 1991, Yavlinsky was in the White House. On September 21, in the evening, arrests of the GKachepists took place.
In order to ensure civilian control, prominent people were involved as public witnesses in arrests. Yavlinsky, in particular, was asked to join the group that was going to arrest Boris Karlovich Pugo, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR in 1990-91. Contrary to rumors circulating in the leftist press, he shot himself before they came for him. His son talks about it.

After the August coup in 1991, the government collapsed, and the operational management of the national economy of the USSR on August 24 was transferred to a specially created Committee with the same name - KOUNH CCCH, headed by Ivan Silaev. Yavlinsky (along with the President of the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR Arkady Volsky and Vice Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov) was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Committee in the rank of Deputy Prime Minister by decree of the President of the USSR M. Gorbachev. From October to December 1991 he is also a member of the Political Consultative Committee under the President of the USSR.

The working group headed by him prepared the "Treaty on Economic Cooperation between the Republics of the USSR" and 26 appendices to it.

The purpose of the Treaty was to preserve the common economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of the future political union of the republics.
The agreement and annexes provided for the creation of an International Economic Committee to regulate relations between the republics, the Banking Union, Arbitration, the preservation of a single currency, the labor market and the movement of labor, the implementation of a single monetary policy, and so on. See the assessment of the "Contract" in an interview with Yuri Luzhkov here.

The agreement was initialed on October 18, 1991 in Alma-Ata by representatives of 10 republics, ratified by Russia in the Kremlin. However, Yeltsin was against the strengthening of the new supra-allied formation, since this called into question his powers of authority. His advisers said that without the "ballast" of the less developed republics, Russia would quickly jump into the market.

Nevertheless, in November Yeltsin offered the premiership to Yavlinsky. The president's condition was to break economic ties with the republics. Yavlinsky could not agree with this approach and put forward his own conditions: the preservation of the economic union, the key economic posts in the government should be nominated and enter the government as a team. E. Gaidar was appointed vice-premier.

The day after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords, Yavlinsky and his comrades (M.M. Zadornov, A.Yu. Mikhailov, T.V. Yarygina, V.N. Kushchenko) left the government, and the Committee ceased to exist.

In September 1991, with the written permission of Gorbachev, Yavlinsky made a sensational statement about the size of the gold reserves of the USSR, which turned out to be extremely small. (The story about this is from Vladimir Raevsky, Minister of Finance of the USSR from August 1991 to February 1992).

Democratic Alternative

In the spring of 1992, Yavlinsky's team presented for the first time a democratic alternative to Gaidar's reforms based on serious economic analysis. (Work "Diagnosis", Moscow, 1992.)

From May to November 1992, Yavlinsky's EPIcenter worked out a program of regional reforms with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the first regional issue of regional loan bonds, which solved the problem of lack of cash (and was fully paid), the release of producers from non-production costs, and the introduction of the information system "On-line tracking of social indicators". Yavlinsky believes that, as a result of three months of work, he managed to create a basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding a "new federalism" in Russia ("seek solutions not from top to bottom, but from bottom to top"). The results of the work are described in the book "Nizhny Novgorod Prologue" published by EPIcenter in 1993.

He was a member of the Public Council on Foreign and Defense Policy established on June 22, 1992.(co-chairman of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs A. Volsky, along with deputies of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR E. Ambartsumov, S. Yushenkov, and others).

Member of the Editorial Board of Novaya Gazeta, the predecessor of Novaya Gazeta.

In 1993, Yavlinsky began developing a privatization project in Moscow "not according to Chubais" - "Moscow Privatization", approved in early 1995.

After Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of parliament in September 1993 and the response of the Supreme Council's attempts to remove the president from power, Yavlinsky, considering the decisions of the President and the actions of the Supreme Council illegal, proposed a compromise option that provided for simultaneous early elections of the president and parliament (the order of their organization was also proposed) , rejection of criminal and extrajudicial prosecution of political opponents, etc.

However, on September 28, 1993, he was forced to admit that a compromise was no longer realistic and that parliament should be sought mainly to surrender firearms, and from the presidential team - the organization of simultaneous elections and their postponement to a later date (February-March 1994 of the year).

After the capture of the mayor's office and the storming of Ostankino on October 3, 1993, he condemned Ye. Gaidar's call for unarmed citizens to come to defend the Moscow City Council building and demanded a resolute suppression of the armed rebellion.

He participated in the elections to the State Duma in 1993 as the leader of the Yabloko electoral bloc - the bloc received 7.86% of the vote and 27 seats in the State Duma.

In November 1994, after the well-known "campaign" on Grozny and the capture of a group of Russian tankmen, Yavlinsky, together with his Yabloko colleagues, went to Chechnya, offering himself as a hostage in exchange for prisoners.

In January 1995, the Yabloko association was formed, and Yavlinsky was elected chairman. Yavlinsky participated in the 1995 election campaign as the leader of Yabloko - the association received 6.89% of the vote and 46 seats in the State Duma.

In 1996, Yavlinsky was nominated as a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation from the democratic opposition, scored 7.4%

Yavlinsky is married. He has two sons.

Wife - Elena Anatolyevna. Grigory Yavlinsky met her at the institute. She is an engineer-economist, she worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (NII "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" cuts.

The eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the Physics Department of Moscow State University in the Department of Theoretical Physics. Works as a journalist.

The youngest, Alexei (born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis, works as an engineer - researcher in the creation of computer systems.

material prepared by Evgenia Dillendorf

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky
Deputy Chairman of the Committee for Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR August 24, 1991 - October 2, 1991
Party: CPSU (1985-1991), Yabloko (1993-present)
Education: Moscow Institute of National Economy. G.V. Plekhanov
Academic degree: Doctor of Economics
Religion: Orthodoxy
Birth: 10 April 1952
Lvov, Ukrainian SSR, USSR

Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky(April 10, 1952, Lvov, Ukrainian SSR, USSR) - Soviet and Russian politician, economist, leader of the electoral bloc " Yavlinsky- Boldyrev - Lukin "(since 1993), founder of the public association (since 1995) and the political party "Yabloko" (since 2001), head of the mentioned organizations in 1993-2008. Head of the Yabloko faction in the State Duma of Russia of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd convocations. Candidate for President of Russia in 1996 and 2000. Doctor of Economic Sciences.

Parents, childhood and youth of Grigory Yavlinsky

Father of Grigory Yavlinsky- Alexey Grigorievich Yavlinsky(1919(?)-1981, exact date of birth unknown). The passport indicated the year 1919, but the brothers said that he could have been born in 1912, and in 1917, and 1919 ...
During the Civil War, he lost his parents, in the 1930s he was brought up in the commune-colony of Anton Semyonovich Makarenko in Kharkov.

Member of the Great Patriotic War. In the army since February 1942. He was the battery commander of the artillery regiment of the 333rd Guards Mountain Rifle Order of the Red Banner of the Turkestan Division. He fought in the North Caucasus, as part of the 52nd Separate Primorsky Army participated in the Kerch landing, liberated the Crimea, Ukraine, Czechoslovakia. He finished the war as a senior lieutenant in the city of Vysoké Tatry (Czechoslovakia).
He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 2nd degree, the Order of the Red Star, the medal "For Military Merit".
In 1947 he married and settled in Lvov, where he graduated in absentia from the Faculty of History of the Lvov Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
He worked in the system of children's corrective labor and educational institutions.
Grigory Yavlinsky's mother- Vera Naumovna, was born in 1924 in Kharkov. By nationality - Jewish. Immediately after the war, she moved with her family to Lvov from Tashkent, where the family lived in evacuation. Graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University. She taught chemistry at the institute. Grigory Yavlinsky's parents buried in Lvov.

Choice of children's hobbies Grigory Yavlinsky largely influenced by his father's memories of great attention to physical culture and sports in the commune. Dzerzhinsky, where, in particular, boxing was in high esteem. These classes significantly helped the graduates of the commune both in their subsequent labor activity and during the years of war hard times.

From 1964 to 1969 Grigory Yavlinsky I was an amateur boxer. Twice became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors in the second welterweight.
After graduating from the evening school for working youth, in 1969 he entered the Moscow Institute of National Economy. G.V. Plekhanov to the general economic faculty with a degree in labor economics.

In 1973 Grigory Yavlinsky graduated from the institute, in 1976 - postgraduate study.
In addition to the Russian language Grigory Yavlinsky also speaks English and Ukrainian.

Labor activity of Grigory Yavlinsky in the USSR

1976-1977 - All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNIUugol).
Since 1980 Grigory Yavlinsky- Head of the heavy industry sector of the Labor Research Institute of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs.
Since 1984 Grigory Yavlinsky- Deputy Head of the Consolidated Department, then Head of the Department of Social Development and Population of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs.
From 1985 to August 20, 1991 Grigory Yavlinsky was in the CPSU.

Since 1989 Grigory Yavlinsky- Head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.
Since 2005 Grigory Yavlinsky- Professor of the National Research University - Higher School of Economics (in Russia).

Participation of Grigory Yavlinsky in the development of economic reforms (1990)

Together with Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov, they are working on the 400 Days of Trust project for reforming the USSR economy. Later, this program, called "500 days", was proposed to Boris Yeltsin, then Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, as a program to reform the Russian economy. An agreement is reached between the leadership of Russia and the USSR on the development of joint measures to carry out economic reforms in the USSR on the basis of the 500 Days program, and a working group for the development of programs is being created. The group is led by Academician Stanislav Shatalin and Grigory Yavlinsky.

Grigory Yavlinsky appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and Chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform. By September 1, 1990, the program of Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky "500 days" and 20 draft laws for it were prepared, approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and submitted to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

At the same time, on behalf of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Nikolai Ryzhkov, an alternative project was being developed - "Main Directions of Development". Ryzhkov said that if he was not accepted, he would resign. As a compromise, Mikhail Gorbachev proposed to merge the two programs into a single program of the President of the USSR.

October 17, 1990 Grigory Yavlinsky resigns and, together with his team, who also left the government, creates and heads the research institute Center for Economic and Political Research "EPIcenter".

Grigory Yavlinsky in 1991

EPIcenter, together with scientists from Harvard University (USA), with the political support of the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev, are developing a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system (“Consent for a Chance”). The program was not implemented.
During the August putsch 1991 Yavlinsky located in the White House - the building of the Supreme Soviet of Russia.
On August 24, 1991, after the failure of the putsch, the Committee for the Development and Implementation of Economic Reform headed by Ivan Silaev was created for the operational management of the national economy of the USSR. Mikhail Gorbachev appoints Grigory Yavlinsky, Arkady Volsky and Yuri Luzhkov as deputy chairmen of the Committee in the rank of vice-premiers. October to December 1991 Grigory Yavlinsky also a member of the Political Advisory Committee under the President of the USSR.

Led by Grigory Yavlinsky the working group is preparing an "Agreement on economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR." The purpose of the Treaty is to preserve the single economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of what political form relations between the republics take. The treaty was initialed on October 18, 1991 in Alma-Ata by representatives of 10 republics, but Boris Yeltsin spoke out against the new supra-allied formation, hoping that Russia alone would be able to move to a market faster.

Yeltsin suggested Yavlinsky post of prime minister, but Yavlinsky never became prime minister. The day after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords Grigory Yavlinsky left the government with his team as a sign of disagreement with Yeltsin's actions, which destroyed not only political, but also economic ties with the former Soviet republics, which undermined the possibility of reforming the Russian economy. The Committee for the Development and Implementation of Economic Reform ceased to exist.

Grigory Yavlinsky in 1992

In the spring of 1992 the team Yavlinsky presents its own alternative to the reforms carried out by the Gaidar government.
May-November 1992 - "EPIcenter" and the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region are working out a program of regional reforms.
June 22, 1992 with the participation Yavlinsky a public Council for Foreign and Defense Policy was created (still exists).

Following President Yeltsin's decree dissolving the Supreme Soviet in September 1993 and the Supreme Soviet's retaliatory attempts to remove the president from power, Grigory Yavlinsky, considering the decisions of the President and the actions of the Supreme Council illegal, suggested that the conflicting parties abandon the decisions made and call simultaneous early presidential and parliamentary elections.
September 28 Grigory Yavlinsky, realizing that a compromise is no longer realistic, calls on the Supreme Council to surrender firearms, and the presidential team to hold simultaneous elections in February-March 1994.

After the seizure by supporters of the Supreme Council of the building of the Moscow City Hall and the storming of Ostankino on October 3, 1993 Grigory Yavlinsky condemned Yegor Gaidar's call to unarmed Muscovites to come to the defense of the Moscow City Council building and demanded a resolute suppression of the armed rebellion.
Grigory Yavlinsky participated in the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation as the leader of the Yabloko electoral bloc - the bloc received 7.86% of the vote and 27 seats in the State Duma.

Chechnya, position of Grigory Yavlinsky

In November 1994, after an unsuccessful attempt to storm Grozny and capture Russian tankers, Grigory Yavlinsky together with colleagues from Yabloko, he went to Chechnya and tried to negotiate with Dzhokhar Dudayev, offering himself as a hostage in exchange for prisoners.
Grigory Yavlinsky and his supporters took a sharp anti-war position, opposing themselves to the majority of the State Duma deputies and the executive branch. Later Grigory Yavlinsky and Yabloko advocated the impeachment of President Yeltsin in connection with the unleashing of the war in Chechnya.

Party "Apple", the role of Grigory Yavlinsky

From 1993 to 2008 Grigory Yavlinsky was the leader - at first of the electoral bloc "Yabloko", then - of the public association "Yabloko", then - of the Russian United Democratic Party "Yabloko". At the moment he is a member of the political committee of the party. From 1993 to 2003 the party was represented by a faction in the State Duma. In 2003, she failed to overcome the 5% threshold in the parliamentary elections, receiving 4.3% of the vote. In 2007, Yabloko received 1.6%.
June 2008 Grigory Yavlinsky resigned as chairman of the Yabloko party.

In 1996 Grigory Yavlinsky was nominated as a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation from the democratic opposition, gaining 7.4% (fourth place after Yeltsin, Zyuganov and Lebed), in 2000 - 5.8% (third place after Putin and Zyuganov).

Family of Grigory Yavlinsky

Grigory Yavlinsky married, has two sons.
Wife of Grigory Yavlinsky- Elena Anatolyevna (nee Smotryaeva), an engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (NII "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" reductions.
Native Jr. son of Grigory Yavlinsky, Alexey (born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis, works as a research engineer in the creation of computer systems.

Adoptive eldest son from his wife's first marriage, Mikhail Yavlinsky(born in 1971), graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University in the Department of Theoretical Physics and the specialty "Nuclear Physics", works as a journalist. In the spring of 1996, when the presidential election campaign began, Mikhail Yavlinsky became a victim of political blackmail.
He was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities have never been established. Grigory Yavlinsky received the package. The severed finger of the son's right hand was wrapped in a note: "If you don't leave politics, we'll cut off your son's head."
Immediately after that, Mikhail was released. The doctors performed a successful reconstructive operation. It was after this, sons Grigory Yavlinsky moved to London for security purposes.