Black Hundreds program on the political issue. Ideology of the Black Hundreds. The origin of the word "Black Hundreds"

15.03.2020

Ally."

The social basis of these organizations was made up of heterogeneous elements: landowners, representatives of the clergy, the large and small urban bourgeoisie, merchants, peasants, workers, philistines, artisans, police officers, who advocated the preservation of the inviolability of the autocracy on the basis of the Uvarov formula "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Narodnost". The period of special activity of the Black Hundreds fell on the interval from 1914 to 1914 .

Ideology

Part of the Black Hundred movement emerged from the popular sobriety movement. Teetotalism was never denied by the Black Hundred organizations, moreover, some of the Black Hundred cells were formalized as sobriety societies, tea and reading societies for the people.

In the field of economics, the Black Hundreds advocated a multi-structural structure. Part of the Black Hundreds economists proposed to abandon the commodity support of the ruble.

It should be noted that the constructive part of the Black Hundred ideas (meaning both the programs of organizations and the topics discussed by the Black Hundred press) assumed a conservative social structure (there were significant disputes over the admissibility of parliamentarism and representative institutions in general in an autocratic monarchy), and some curbing of excesses capitalism, as well as strengthening social solidarity, a form of direct democracy.

Story

Black Hundreds
Organizations
Russian collection
Union of the Russian people
Union of Michael the Archangel
All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian people
Russian monarchist the consignment
Union of Russian people
sacred squad
All-Russian Congress of Russian people
Royal People's Muslim Society
Leaders
Alexander Dubrovin
Anthony Khrapovitsky
Vladimir Gringmuth
Vladimir Purishkevich
Ivan Katsaurov
John Vostorgov
Orlov, Vasily Grigorievich
John of Kronstadt
Nikolai Markov
Pavel Krushevan
Serafim Chichagov
Emmanuil Konovnitsyn
Successors
Vyacheslav Klykov
Leonid Ivashov
Mikhail Nazarov
Alexander Shtilmark

The Black Hundreds trace their origins to the lower Nizhny Novgorod militia of the Time of Troubles, led by Kuzma Minin, who "stand for the house of the Blessed Virgin and the Orthodox Christian faith, took up arms against the destroyers of the Russian land for the sake of saving the faith of the father and the fatherland from death" (In Russia XIV-XVII centuries "black" the land allotments of the black-eared peasants and the taxed urban population were called. In historical sources "black" lands are opposed "white" lands owned by feudal lords and the church).
The Black Hundred movement came out at the beginning of the 20th century under the slogans of defending the Russian Empire and its traditional values of "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality."

The first organization of the Black Hundreds was the Russian Assembly, established in 1900.

A significant source of funding for the Black Hundreds was private donations and collections.

According to a number of scientists, the participation of well-known figures in the Black Hundred organizations was subsequently significantly exaggerated. Thus, Doctor of Philosophical Sciences, Professor Sergei Lebedev believes that

Modern right-wingers ... like to increase this already long list by including those figures of Russian culture who were not formally members of the Black Hundred unions, but did not hide their right-wing views. These include, in particular, the great D. I. Mendeleev, artist V. M. Vasnetsov, philosopher V. V. Rozanov ...

The "Black Hundred" of 1905-1917 are several large and small monarchical organizations: "Union of the Russian People", "Union of Michael the Archangel", "Russian Monarchist Party", "Union of Russian People", "Union for the Fight against Sedition", "Council united nobility", "Russian Assembly" and others.

The Black Hundreds movement at various times published the newspapers Russkoye Znamya, Zemshchina, Pochaevsky Leaf, Kolokol, Thunderstorm, and Veche. Black Hundred ideas were also preached in the major newspapers Moskovskiye Vedomosti, Kievlyanin, Grazhdanin, Svet.

Among the leaders of the Black Hundred movement, Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Nikolai Markov, Prince M.K. Shakhovskoy stood out.

The Black Hundred organizations began their formation not before, a after the first, most powerful wave of pogroms. Nevertheless, the Black Hundred organizations were most active in regions with a mixed population - in Ukraine, in Belarus and in 15 provinces of the "Pale of Jewish Settlement", where more than half of all members of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations were concentrated. As the activities of the Black Hundred organizations unfolded, the wave of pogroms began to subside, which was pointed out by many prominent figures of this movement and recognized by political opponents. After the organization of the Black Hundred movement, only two major pogroms were recorded. Both of them took place in 1906 on the territory of Poland, where the Russian Black Hundreds had no influence.

The leaders of the Black Hundred movement and the statutes of the organizations declared the law-abiding nature of the movement and condemned the pogroms. In particular, the chairman of the Union of the Russian People, AI Dubrovin, in a special statement in 1906, defined pogroms as a crime. Although the fight against "Jewish dominance" was one of the foundations of the movement, its leaders explained that it should not be fought with violence, but with economic and ideological methods. The Black Hundred newspapers did not publish a single direct call for a Jewish pogrom.

Terror against the "black hundred"

The radical socialist parties launched a campaign of terror against the Black Hundreds. The leader of the Social Democrats V. I. Lenin wrote in 1905

Detachments of the revolutionary army must immediately study who, where and how make up the Black Hundreds, and then not limit themselves to one sermon (this is useful, but this alone is not enough), but act with armed force, beating the Black Hundreds, killing them, blowing up their headquarters etc. etc. etc.

On behalf of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP, an armed attack was carried out on the Tver tea house, where the workers of the Nevsky Shipbuilding Plant, who were members of the Union of the Russian People, gathered. First, two bombs were thrown by the Bolshevik militants, and then those who ran out of the teahouse were shot with revolvers. The Bolsheviks killed two and wounded fifteen people. .

Revolutionary organizations carried out many terrorist acts against members of right-wing parties, mainly against the chairmen of local departments of the Union of the Russian People. So, according to the police department, only in March 1908 in one Chernihiv province in the city of Bakhmach a bomb was thrown at the house of the chairman of the local union of the RNC, in the city of Nizhyn the house of the chairman of the union was set on fire, and the whole family died, in the village of Domyany the chairman of the department was killed, two chairmen of departments were killed in Nizhyn.

Weakening and end of the Black Hundred movement

Despite massive support among the urban burghers and the sympathy of the Russian Orthodox clergy and influential aristocrats, the Russian radical right movement has remained underdeveloped since its inception on the Russian public scene for the following reasons:

The Black Hundred movement failed to convince Russian society of its ability to offer a positive program in response to the then demands for political ideology; the explanation of all the problems and ills of society by the subversive activities of the Jews seemed excessively one-sided even to those who did not sympathize with the Jews;
The Black Hundred movement failed to offer an effective alternative to the liberal and revolutionary, radical leftist ideas that had won wide circles of the intelligentsia in Russia;
Continuous splits and internal strife in the Black Hundreds movement, accompanied by numerous scandals and mutual accusations (including serious criminal offenses) undermined public confidence in the movement as a whole; for example, the most famous figure of the right movement, Fr. Ioann Vostorgov was accused by right-wing political competitors of poisoning the right-wing politician P.A. Krushevan, killing his own wife out of a desire to become a bishop, stealing the sums of monarchist organizations;
A strong public opinion has formed that the Black Hundred movement is secretly financed from the secret funds of the Ministry of the Interior, and all conflicts in the movement are caused by the struggle for access of individuals to these sums;
The participation of the latter in the murders of Duma deputies M.Ya. had an adverse effect on public opinion about the Black Hundreds. Gertsenshtein and G.B. Iollos; as well as those put forward by the former Prime Minister Count S.Yu. Witte is accused of trying to kill him by blowing up his house;
The activities of the deputies of the right faction in the III State Duma, primarily V.M. Purishkevich and N.E. Markov 2nd, was of a provocative, outrageous nature and was accompanied by numerous scandals that did not contribute to the formation of respect for these politicians; activity of A.N. Khvostov as Minister of the Interior ended in a high-profile scandal related to his alleged attempt to organize the murder of G.E. Rasputin and subsequent quick resignation.

Despite certain political successes, after the Russian Revolution of 1905, the Black Hundred movement could not become a monolithic political force and find allies in the multi-ethnic, multi-structural Russian society. On the other hand, the Black Hundreds managed to turn against themselves not only influential radical left and liberal centrist circles, but also some of their potential allies among supporters of the ideas of Russian imperial nationalism.

Some competition with the Black Hundred movement was made by the All-Russian National Union and the faction of nationalists associated with it in the Third Duma. In 1909, the moderate-right faction merged with the national faction. The new Russian national faction (colloquially known as the “nationalists”), unlike the rightists, managed to position themselves in such a way that their votes, together with the Octobrists, formed the pro-government majority in the Duma, while the government had no need for right-wing votes. The right-wing deputies compensated for the insignificance of the votes of their faction during the voting by aggressive, provocative behavior, which even more turned the members of the faction into political pariahs.

Notes

Ideology

In the field of economics, the Black Hundreds advocated a multi-structural structure. Part of the Black Hundreds economists proposed to abandon the commodity support of the ruble.

Story

Black Hundreds
Organizations
Russian collection
Union of the Russian people
Union of Michael the Archangel
All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian people
Russian monarchist the consignment
Union of Russian people
sacred squad
All-Russian Congress of Russian people
Royal People's Muslim Society
Leaders
Alexander Dubrovin
Anthony Khrapovitsky
Vladimir Gringmuth
Vladimir Purishkevich
Ivan Katsaurov
John Vostorgov
Orlov, Vasily Grigorievich
John of Kronstadt
Nikolai Markov
Pavel Krushevan
Serafim Chichagov
Emmanuil Konovnitsyn
Successors
Vyacheslav Klykov
Leonid Ivashov
Mikhail Nazarov
Alexander Shtilmark

The Black Hundreds trace their origins to the lower Nizhny Novgorod militia of the Time of Troubles, led by Kuzma Minin, who "stand for the house of the Blessed Virgin and the Orthodox Christian faith, took up arms against the destroyers of the Russian land for the sake of saving the faith of the father and the fatherland from death" (In Russia XIV-XVII centuries "black" the land allotments of the black-eared peasants and the taxed urban population were called. In historical sources "black" lands are opposed "white" lands owned by feudal lords and the church).
The Black Hundred movement came out at the beginning of the 20th century under the slogans of defending the Russian Empire and its traditional values of "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality."

The first organization of the Black Hundreds was the Russian Assembly, established in 1900.

A significant source of funding for the Black Hundreds was private donations and collections.

Modern right-wingers ... like to increase this already long list by including those figures of Russian culture who were not formally members of the Black Hundred unions, but did not hide their right-wing views. These include, in particular, the great D. I. Mendeleev, artist V. M. Vasnetsov, philosopher V. V. Rozanov ...

Among the leaders of the Black Hundred movement, Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Nikolai Markov, Prince M.K. Shakhovskoy stood out.

Terror against the "black hundred"

The radical socialist parties launched a campaign of terror against the Black Hundreds. The leader of the Social Democrats V. I. Lenin wrote in 1905

Detachments of the revolutionary army must immediately study who, where and how make up the Black Hundreds, and then not limit themselves to one sermon (this is useful, but this alone is not enough), but act with armed force, beating the Black Hundreds, killing them, blowing up their headquarters etc. etc. etc.

Weakening and end of the Black Hundred movement

The Black Hundred movement failed to convince Russian society of its ability to offer a positive program in response to the then demands for political ideology; the explanation of all the problems and ills of society by the subversive activities of the Jews seemed excessively one-sided even to those who did not sympathize with the Jews;
The Black Hundred movement failed to offer an effective alternative to the liberal and revolutionary, radical leftist ideas that had won wide circles of the intelligentsia in Russia;
Continuous splits and internal strife in the Black Hundreds movement, accompanied by numerous scandals and mutual accusations (including serious criminal offenses) undermined public confidence in the movement as a whole; for example, the most famous figure of the right movement, Fr. Ioann Vostorgov was accused by right-wing political competitors of poisoning the right-wing politician P.A. Krushevan, killing his own wife out of a desire to become a bishop, stealing the sums of monarchist organizations;
A strong public opinion has formed that the Black Hundred movement is secretly financed from the secret funds of the Ministry of the Interior, and all conflicts in the movement are caused by the struggle for access of individuals to these sums;
The participation of the latter in the murders of Duma deputies M.Ya. had an adverse effect on public opinion about the Black Hundreds. Gertsenshtein and G.B. Iollos; as well as those put forward by the former Prime Minister Count S.Yu. Witte is accused of trying to kill him by blowing up his house;
The activities of the deputies of the right faction in the III State Duma, primarily V.M. Purishkevich and N.E. Markov 2nd, was of a provocative, outrageous nature and was accompanied by numerous scandals that did not contribute to the formation of respect for these politicians; activity of A.N. Khvostov as Minister of the Interior ended in a high-profile scandal related to his alleged attempt to organize the murder of G.E. Rasputin and subsequent quick resignation.

Notes

Links

Molodtsova M.S. Black Hundred Unions: in defense of the autocracy
Molodtsova M.S. Black Hundreds in the fight against the revolutionary movement in 1905-1907. Lessons of the First Russian Revolution.
Molodtsova M.S. Black Hundred Alliances in the Nets of Contradictions (1907-1913)
Molodtsova M.S. Black Hundreds: leaving the political arena
Lebedev S.V.
Omelyanchuk I.V. The social composition of the Black Hundred parties at the beginning of the 20th century
Alekseev I. E. Chuvash-Black Hundreds. "Staging" notes on the activities of the Chuvash departments of Russian right-monarchist organizations
Stepanov S. A."The Black Hundred Terror of 1905-1907"
Stepanov S. A. RUSSIAN CIVIL SOCIETY - OPRICHNA MONARCHY
Ganelin R. Tsarism and the Black Hundreds
Ganelin R. From the Black Hundreds to Fascism // Ad hominem. In memory of Nikolai Girenko. St. Petersburg: MAE RAN, 2005, p. 243-272
Lebedev S.V. The ideology of right-wing radicalism at the beginning of the 20th century
Krotov Ya. G. BLACK HUNDRED program "From a Christian point of view" from 07/07/2005 on Radio Liberty
Vitukhnovskaya M. Black Hundred under the Finnish court Magazine "Neva" No. 10 2006
Langer Jacob. CORRUPTION AND THE COUNTERREVOLUTION: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE BLACK HUNDRED
Review of the book by S. A. Stepanov "Black Hundred" in the journal "People of the Book in the world of books"
Razmolodin M. L. Conservative Foundations of Political Issues in the Ideology of the Black Hundreds (Russian) . Chronos website. archived
Razmolodin M. L. Foreign issues in the ideology of the Black Hundreds (Russian) . Chronos website. Archived from the original on 15 May 2012. Retrieved 11 April 2012.
Razmolodin M. L. Imperial problems in the ideology of the Black Hundred (Russian). Chronos website. Archived from the original on 15 May 2012. Retrieved 11 April 2012.
Razmolodin M. L. Protection of the Christian tradition as the main function of the Black Hundred (Russian) . Chronos website. Archived from the original on 15 May 2012. Retrieved 11 April 2012.
Razmolodin M. L. The Jewish Question in the Ideology of the Black Hundred (Russian). Chronos website. Archived from the original on 15 May 2012. Retrieved 11 April 2012.
Razmolodin M. L. On the criteria for referring to the Black Hundreds segment (Russian). Chronos website. Archived from the original on 15 May 2012. Retrieved 11 April 2012.
Razmolodin M. L. Some thoughts about the so-called. "Jewish pogroms" (Russian) . Chronos website. Archived from the original on 15 May 2012. Retrieved 11 April 2012.

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Black Hundreds Wikipedia, c. Kozhinov Black Hundreds and Revolution
Black Hundreds- the collective name of representatives of extreme right organizations in Russia in 1905-1917, speaking under the slogans of monarchism, great-power chauvinism and anti-Semitism.

Initially, they called themselves “truly Russians”, “patriots” and “monarchists”, but then (through Gringmut) they quickly adapted this nickname, tracing its origin to the Nizhny Novgorod “black (grassroots) hundreds” of Kuzma Minin, who brought Russia out of the Time of Troubles .

The Black Hundred movement did not represent a single whole and was represented by various associations, such as, in particular, the Russian Monarchist Party, the Black Hundreds, the Union of the Russian People (Dubrovin), the Union of Michael the Archangel, and others.

In 1905-1907, the term "Black Hundred" came into wide use in the meaning of ultra-right politicians and anti-Semites. "Small Explanatory Dictionary of the Russian Language" by P. E. Stoyan (Pg., 1915) Black Hundreds or Black Hundreds - "Russian monarchist, conservative, ally."

The social basis of these organizations was made up of heterogeneous elements: landlords, representatives of the clergy, the large and small urban bourgeoisie, merchants, peasants, workers, tradesmen, artisans, Cossacks, police officers, who advocated the preservation of the inviolability of the autocracy on the basis of the Uvarov formula "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality" . The period of special activity of the Black Hundreds fell on 1905-1914.

1 Ideology
2 History
3 Activities of the Black Hundred movement
4 Role in pogroms
5 Terror against the "black hundred"
6 Weakening and end of the Black Hundred movement
7 Contemporary Black Hundreds
8 Notes
9 Literature
10 Links
- 10.1 Editions of the early 20th century
- 10.2 Websites of modern Black Hundred organizations

Ideology

The ideology of the Black Hundreds was permeated with the spirit of great power and xenophobia.

In the field of economics, the Black Hundreds advocated a multi-structural structure. Part of the Black Hundred economists proposed to abandon the commodity support of the ruble.

Part of the Black Hundred ideas - both the programs of organizations and the topics discussed by the Black Hundred press - assumed a conservative social structure (there were significant disputes over the admissibility of parliamentarism and representative institutions in general in an autocratic monarchy), and some curbing of the "excesses" of capitalism, as well as strengthening social solidarity, forms of direct democracy.

Story


Organizations
Russian collection
Union of the Russian people
Union of Michael the Archangel
All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian people
Russian monarchist the consignment
Union of Russian people
sacred squad
All-Russian Congress of Russian people
Royal People's Muslim Society
The largest representatives
Pavel Bulatsel
George Butmi
John Vostorgov
Vladimir Gringmuth
Alexander Dubrovin
Nikolai Zhevakhov
Ivan Katsaurov
Emmanuil Konovnitsyn
John of Kronstadt
Pavel Krushevan
Andrey Kukarnikov
Nikolai Markov
Mikhail Menshikov
Vasily Orlov
Vladimir Purishkevich
Raphael Rizpolozhensky
Alexander Solovyov
Anthony Khrapovitsky
Serafim Chichagov
Georgy Shechkov
Alexey Shmakov
Nikolai Yuskevich-Kraskovskiy
modern times
Konstantin Dushenov
Leonid Ivashov
Vyacheslav Klykov
Mikhail Nazarov
Oleg Platonov
Alexander Turik
Alexander Shtilmark

The Black Hundreds trace their origins to the lower Nizhny Novgorod militia of the Time of Troubles, led by Kuzma Minin, who "stand for the house of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the Orthodox Christian faith, took up arms against the destroyers of the Russian land for the sake of saving the faith of the father and the fatherland from death" (In Russia of the XIV-XVII centuries "black "The land allotments of the black-eared peasants and the taxed urban population were called. Historical sources contrast the "black" lands with the "white" lands that were in the possession of the feudal lords and the church).
The Black Hundred movement came out at the beginning of the 20th century under the slogans of defending the Russian Empire and its traditional values of "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality."

The first organization of the Black Hundreds was the Russian Assembly, established in 1900.

A significant source of funding for the Black Hundreds was private donations and collections.

Modern right-wingers ... like to increase this already long list by including those figures of Russian culture who were not formally members of the Black Hundred unions, but did not hide their right-wing views. These include, in particular, the great D. I. Mendeleev, artist V. M. Vasnetsov, philosopher V. V. Rozanov…

The Black Hundred of 1905-1917 are several large and small monarchical organizations: the Union of the Russian People, the Union of Michael the Archangel, the Russian Monarchist Party, the Union of Russian People, the Union for the Fight against Sedition, the Council united nobility", "Russian Assembly" and others.

Among the leaders of the Black Hundred movement, Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Nikolai Markov, Prince M.K. Shakhovskoy stood out.

In October 1906, various Black Hundred organizations held a congress in Moscow, where the Main Council was elected and an association was proclaimed under the roof of the United Russian People organization. The merger did not actually happen, and a year later the organization ceased to exist.

Small in number, the Black Hundred organizations were able, however, to create the appearance of popular support for the monarchy. So, shortly before the February Revolution, when the chairman of the IV State Duma, M. V. Rodzianko, tried to draw the tsar's attention to the growing discontent in the country, Nicholas II showed him a large bundle of telegrams from the Black Hundreds and objected: “This is not true. I also have my own awareness. Here are the expressions of popular feelings that I receive daily: they express love for the tsar. Loyal telegrams of the Black Hundreds against Empress Alexandra Feodorovna were especially convincing.

After the February Revolution of 1917, Black Hundred organizations were banned and partly remained underground. During the Civil War, many prominent leaders of the Black Hundreds joined the White movement, and in exile they loudly criticized emigrant activities. Some prominent Black Hundreds eventually joined various nationalist organizations.

Activities of the Black Hundreds

Role in the pogroms

Members of the Black Hundreds carried out raids (with unofficial government approval) against various revolutionary groups and pogroms, including against Jews.

The researcher of the "Black Hundred" historian Maxim Razmolodin believes that this issue is debatable and requires further study.

The Black Hundred organizations began their formation not before, but after the first, most powerful wave of pogroms. Doctor of Historical Sciences, historian of the Black Hundred movement Sergey Stepanov writes that in the subsequent period, the combat squads of the Union of the Russian People and other extreme right-wing organizations became the weapons of the Black Hundred terror. Maxim Razmolodin argues that as the activities of the Black Hundred organizations unfolded, the wave of pogroms began to subside, which was pointed out by many prominent figures of this movement and recognized by political opponents.

Black Hundred organizations were most active in regions with a mixed population - in Ukraine, Belarus and in 15 provinces of the "Pale of Jewish Settlement", where more than half of all members of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations were concentrated. After the organization of the Black Hundred movement, only two major pogroms were recorded. Both of them took place in 1906 on the territory of Poland, where the Russian Black Hundreds had no influence. The leaders of the Black Hundred movement and the statutes of the organizations declared the law-abiding nature of the movement and condemned the pogroms. In particular, the chairman of the Union of the Russian People, AI Dubrovin, in a special statement in 1906, defined pogroms as a crime. Although the fight against "Jewish dominance" was one of the foundations of the movement, its leaders explained that it should be carried out not by violence, but by economic and ideological methods, that is, mainly by increasing discrimination against Jews. Razmolodin claims that the Black Hundred newspapers, with a general anti-Semitic orientation, did not publish a single direct call for a Jewish pogrom.

However, Sergei Stepanov argues that program documents and real activities differed greatly from each other. There are facts testifying to the active propaganda of anti-revolutionary violence by the Black Hundreds. J. D. Klier and Shlomo Lambroso cite the words of M. Dubrovin, spoken in front of 300 members of the Odessa NRC organization:

The extermination of rebels is a holy Russian cause. You know who they are and where to look for them... Death to the rebels and the Jews!.

Original text (English)

The Holy Russian cause is the extermination of the rebels. You know who they are and where to find them… Death to the rebels and the Jews.

Terror against the "black hundred"

The radical socialist parties launched a campaign of terror against the Black Hundreds. The leader of the Social Democrats V. I. Lenin wrote in 1905:

Detachments of the revolutionary army must immediately study who, where and how make up the Black Hundreds, and then not limit themselves to one sermon (this is useful, but this alone is not enough), but act with armed force, beating the Black Hundreds, killing them, blowing up their headquarters etc. etc. etc.

Weakening and end of the Black Hundred movement

The Black Hundred movement failed to convince Russian society of its ability to offer a positive program in response to the then demands for political ideology; the explanation of all the problems and ills of society by the subversive activities of the Jews seemed excessively one-sided even to those who did not sympathize with the Jews;
The Black Hundred movement failed to offer an effective alternative to the liberal and revolutionary, radical leftist ideas that had won wide circles of the intelligentsia in Russia;
Continuous splits and internal strife in the Black Hundreds movement, accompanied by numerous scandals and mutual accusations (including serious criminal offenses) undermined public confidence in the movement as a whole; for example, the most famous figure of the right movement, Fr. Ioann Vostorgov was accused by right-wing political competitors of poisoning the right-wing politician P.A. Krushevan, killing his own wife out of a desire to become a bishop, stealing the sums of monarchist organizations;
A strong public opinion has formed that the Black Hundred movement is secretly financed from the secret funds of the Ministry of the Interior, and all conflicts in the movement are caused by the struggle for access of individuals to these sums;
The participation of the latter in the murders of Duma deputies M.Ya. had an adverse effect on public opinion about the Black Hundreds. Gertsenshtein and G.B. Iollos; as well as those put forward by the former Prime Minister Count S.Yu. Witte is accused of trying to kill him by blowing up his house;
The activities of the deputies of the right faction in the III State Duma, primarily V.M. Purishkevich and N.E. Markov 2nd, was of a provocative, outrageous nature and was accompanied by numerous scandals that did not contribute to the formation of respect for these politicians; activity of A.N. Khvostov as Minister of the Interior ended in a high-profile scandal related to his alleged attempt to organize the murder of G.E. Rasputin and subsequent quick resignation.

The elections to the Fourth Duma were held in a favorable environment for the Black Hundred movements: the nationalists competing with them because of the personal conflict between the leaders of the faction and Prime Minister V.N. Kokovtsov lost government support, and a significant administrative resource in the elections was directed to support right-wing candidates. However, although the number of the right-wing faction increased to 65 deputies (against 49-53 in the Third Duma), it again failed to take a significant position in the Duma. After the formation of the Progressive Bloc, which united the majority of the Duma, the importance of the right in parliamentary politics fell sharply.

Frightened by the radical rhetoric and episodic violence of the Black Hundreds, the sovereigns in power saw Russian ethnic nationalism as a threat to the Russian state. They managed to convince Tsar Nicholas II, who was sympathetic to the “allies”, and court circles to turn away from the Black Hundred movement, which contributed to the weakening of the Black Hundreds on the Russian political scene on the eve of the 1917 revolution. The First World War also contributed to some weakening of the movement, for which many privates and activists of the Black Hundred organizations volunteered.

In the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Black Hundred movement played practically no role; in essence, the Black Hundred movement self-liquidated. The interim government did not perceive the Black Hundreds as actual political rivals to such an extent that it did not undertake any significant repressions against them (while former right-wing government figures were immediately arrested). After the victory of the Bolsheviks, who saw in Russian ethnic nationalism one of the main threats to the Soviet system created on the basis of proletarian internationalism, the remnants of the Black Hundred activists were mercilessly destroyed, regardless of the degree of their active participation in post-revolutionary political life.

Modern Black Hundreds

The revival of the Black Hundred movement was observed at the end and after perestroika. So, in 1992, a member of the Memory society, A.R. Shtilmark, began publishing the Black Hundred newspaper, at the same time his Black Hundred group separated from the Memory society. Since 2003, Pravoslavny Nabat has been the main publication of the Black Hundred movement led by Shtilmark. The Black Hundreds include the Union of the Russian People recreated in 2005, the Pravoslavnaya Rus newspaper, organizations headed by Mikhail Nazarov, founded by Konstantin Kinchev among fans of the AliceA Red-Black Hundred group, as well as many small organizations. A significant part of modern Russian nationalism, if it does not derive itself directly from the Black Hundreds of the early 20th century, then does not deny at least the ideological impact of this movement.

There are Black Hundred organizations in many cities of Russia and abroad: Moscow, St. Petersburg, Tikhvin, Kostroma, Novosibirsk, Kyiv and others. The cities of Efremov and Tomsk created musical ensembles called the Black Hundred.

Notes

Sharova V.L. Right-wing radical ideology in Russia: origins and continuity // Political and Philosophical Yearbook. - M.: Institute of Philosophy RAS, 2008. - V. 1. - P. 121.
S.Stepanov "BLACK HUNDRED"
"Black Hundreds" article in Encyclopedia Britannica
article "Black Hundreds" in TSB
Sergei Stepanov. "Black Hundred in Russia"
Bizyukin S. S. Economic views of the right-monarchist (Black-Hundred) movement in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century // View from the third millennium: Collection of abstracts. Ryaz. state ped. un-t im. S. A. Yesenina - Ryazan, 2003.
Information about the organization on the Khronos website
The ideology of right-wing radicalism at the beginning of the 20th century
Kulikov S. V. Emperor Nicholas II during the First World War. SPb. 2000, p. 285
Black Hundreds
Pogroms: Anti-Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History
Black Hundreds
1 2 3 4 Razmolodin M. L. Some thoughts about the so-called. "Jewish pogroms". Chronos website. Retrieved April 11, 2012. Archived from the original on May 15, 2012.
1 2 Black Hundred terror 1905-1907
Lambrozo S. Klier J.D. Pogroms: Anti-Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History. - Cambridge University Press, 1992. - P. 224. - ISBN 978-0-521-40532-4.
Cf. The Times, October 9, 1906; In their monograph, J. D. Klier and Shlomo Lambroso refer to the next day's issue of the Times, October 10, which published the end of the Russia article. Dubrovin's name is again mentioned by the correspondent of the London Times in the article "The Russian Black Hundred" dated March 8, 1911.
Lenin. Tasks of the detachments of the revolutionary army
The first militant organization of the Bolsheviks. 1905-1907 - M., 1934. - S. 221.
Circular of the Police Department of March 8, 1908 // Political police and political terrorism in Russia (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries): Collection of documents. - M.: AIRO-XXI, 2001. - ISBN 5-88735-079-2

Literature

Kiryanov Yu. I. Right parties in Russia. 1911-1917. - M.: ROSSPEN, 2001. - 472 p. - ISBN 5-8243-0244-8.
Lavrikov S. V. Right-wing monarchist movement in the Tver province, 1905-1915: diss. … cand. ist. Sciences: 07.00.02. - Tver, 1996. - 204 p.
Razmolodin M. L. Black Hundred organizations of the provinces of the Upper Volga region in 1905-1914. (on the materials of the Yaroslavl, Kostroma and Vladimir provinces. - Yaroslavl: publishing house Alexander Rutman, 2001;
Razmolodin M. L. On the conservative nature of the black hundred / Ed. prof. Yu. Yu. Ierusalimsky. - Yaroslavl: Nuance, 2010.
Razmolodin M. L. The Russian Question in the Ideology of the Black Hundred / Ed. prof. Yu. Yu. Ierusalimsky. - Yaroslavl: Nuance, 2010.
Stogov D. I. Black Hundreds: Life and Death for Great Russia / Ed. ed. O. A. Platonov. - M.: In-t Rus. civilizations, Algorithm, 2012. - 672 p. - ISBN 978-5-4261-0004-6.

Black Hundreds Information About

The truth of the "Black Hundred" Kozhinov Vadim Valerianovich

Chapter 1 Who are the "Black Hundreds"?

Who are the "Black Hundreds"?

As already mentioned, the capital letter in the word "Revolution" is used to emphasize that we are not talking about any revolutionary explosion (December 1905, February 1917, etc.), but about the whole grandiose cataclysm, that shook Russia in the 20th century. The word "Black Hundreds" also has a broad meaning. Often, instead of him, they prefer to talk about "members of the Union of the Russian people", but at the same time it comes down to only one (albeit the largest) patriotic and anti-revolutionary organization that existed from November 8, 1905 until the February 1917 coup. Meanwhile, "Black Hundreds" with good reason called and are called many and very different figures and ideologists who spoke much earlier than the creation of the Union of the Russian People, and also were not part of this Union after its inception and were not even members of any organizations and associations at all. Therefore, the word "Black Hundreds", despite its odious, that is, having an extremely "negative" and, moreover, hateful meaning, is nevertheless most appropriate in the study of the phenomenon to which this chapter of my work is devoted.

Yes, the word "Black Hundreds" (derived from "Black Hundred") appears as an openly abusive nickname. True, in the latest "Dictionary of the Russian Language" (1984) an attempt was made to give a more or less objective interpretation of this word (I quote it in its entirety): "Black Hundreds, - itza. Member, member of the pogrom-monarchist organizations in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, whose activities were aimed at combating the revolutionary movement.

It is useful to understand this definition. The strange double epithet "pogromist-monarchical" is clearly intended to preserve in the interpretation of this word abusive (such is the very word "pogromist") flavor. It would be more correct to say "extremely" or "extremist monarchist" (that is, not recognizing any restrictions on monarchical power); the definition of "pogromists" is inappropriate here, if only because some obviously "Black Hundred" organizations - for example, the Russian Assembly (in contrast to the same Union of the Russian People) - no one has ever associated with any violent - that is, those that can be attributed to "Pogrom" - shares.

Secondly, in the given dictionary definition, it is unlawful to restrict the concept of "monarchism"; it was necessary to say about the "organizations" that defended the traditional tripartite, triune principle - Orthodoxy, monarchy (autocracy) and nationality (that is, original relations and forms of Russian life). It was in the name of this triad that the "Black Hundreds" waged an irreconcilable, uncompromising struggle against the Revolution, moreover, much more consistently than many of the then officials of the monarchical state, whom the "Black Hundreds" constantly and sharply criticized for reconciliation or even direct adaptation to the revolutionary - or at least to purely liberal tendencies. More than once, “Black Hundred” criticism even turned to the monarch himself, and to the head of the Orthodox Church, and to the greatest creators of national culture (most of all, to Tolstoy, although at one time it was he who created War and Peace, one of the most magnificent and full-blooded incarnations of what is denoted by the word "nationality").

Further, the analyzed dictionary definition did not quite clearly outline those, so to speak, the boundaries in which the "Black Hundreds" existed; refers to both "members" and also "participants" of the respective organizations. This shows the desire to somehow distinguish between the direct, immediate "functionaries" of these organizations and, on the other hand, "sympathizing" with them, to some extent sharing their aspirations of figures - that is, rather "accomplices" than "participants". Thus, for example, the authors and editorial staff of the famous newspaper Novoye Vremya (unlike, say, the editorial staff of the newspapers Moskovskiye Vedomosti or Russkoe Znamya) were not members of any "Black Hundred" organizations and even quite often and sometimes very they were resolutely criticized, but nevertheless, the “Novovremenists” were still quite thoroughly ranked and are ranked among the camp of the “Black Hundreds”.

Finally, the dictionary definition refers to the “Black Hundreds” only the figures of the “beginning of the 20th century”; meanwhile, this designation is often - and again with good reason - applied to many figures of the previous, nineteenth century, although they are called so, of course, in hindsight. But be that as it may, starting at least from the 1860s, ideologists appeared on the public stage who were clearly the direct predecessors of those "Black Hundreds" who operated in the 1900s-1910s. In fact, the beliefs of those who belonged to senior generations of the most prominent figures of the "Black Hundred" organizations - such, for example, as D. I. Ilovaisky (1832–1920), K. F. Golovin (1843–1913), S. F. Sharapov (1850–1911), V. A. Gringmuth (1851–1907), L. A. Tikhomirov (1852–1923), A. I. Sobolevsky (1856–1929) - were fully developed even before the beginning of the 20th century.

Thus, the general contours of the phenomenon known as the "Black Hundreds" have been outlined. However, one cannot remain silent about the fact that this word - or, more precisely, a nickname - has been most actively used for the past few years in relation to one or another modern, today's figures and ideologists. But this is already a completely separate question, which can be discussed only after understanding the real nature of the pre-revolutionary "Black Hundreds".

As stated, the word "Black Hundreds" - as well as the phrase "Black Hundred", from which it is derived - was used and is used, in fact, as a swearing nickname, a kind of curse (although in the latest dictionaries you can find examples of a more "calm" interpretation). Back in 1907, the famous Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus-Efron (2nd additional volume) “laid the foundations” of precisely such word usage (italics in the quoted text, and also in the future, except for specially stipulated cases, mine. - VK.):

“Black Hundred is a current name that has recently been applied to scumbags population ... The Black Hundreds under various names appeared on the historical stage (for example, in Italy - the Camorra and mafia)… At cultural forms of political life, the Black Hundreds usually disappear ... "And further:" ... the Black Hundreds themselves willingly accepted this nickname, it becomes the recognized name of all elements belonging to the extreme right parties and opposing themselves " Red Hundreds". In No. 141 of Moskovskie Vedomosti for 1906, the “Manual of the Black Hundreds Monarchist” was placed ... The brochure by A. A. Maykov “Revolutionaries and Black Hundreds” (St. Petersburg, 1907) has the same character ... "

In this dictionary entry, by the way, another, not abusive, definition of “Black Hundreds” is given: we are talking about “elements”, that is, simply speaking, about people (the author of the dictionary entry, as if he did not want to call them “people”), “ belonging to extreme right parties”; the expression "extreme right" could be replaced by a more "scientific" one - "extremely conservative" or, in the end, "reactionary" (however, this word has long become "abusive" in Russia). But the dictionary has a clear preference for the designation "Black Hundreds", deftly referring to the fact that "the Black Hundreds themselves willingly accepted this nickname" - as if they were ready to take on such definitions contained in the dictionary entry as "scum" and " mafia”, as well as the accusation of complete incompatibility with culture (after all, according to the dictionary, “under the cultural forms of political life, the Black Hundreds disappear”), etc.

In itself, the fact that the "Black Hundreds" did not object to the "nickname" imposed on them is not so surprising. More than once in history the name of a movement has been adopted from hostile or even alien lips; for example, Khomyakov, Kireevsky, Aksakov, Samarin did not deny the name "Slavophiles", which was used in relation to them as a deliberately ironic, mocking (albeit not charged with such ardent hatred as the "Black Hundreds") nicknames.

At the same time, the ideologists of the "Black Hundreds" knew well the real history of the word that became their "nickname" - a history traced, for example, in the classic lecture course by V. O. Klyuchevsky "Terminology of Russian History", a lithographic edition of which appeared back in 1885. The phrase "black hundred" entered the Russian chronicles starting from the 12th century (!) and played a primary role until the Petrine era. In medieval Russia, V. O. Klyuchevsky showed, “society was divided into two categories of people - these are “service people” and “blacks”. Black people ... were also called zemstvo ... They were townspeople ... and villagers - free peasants. And “black hundreds are ranks or local societies” formed from “black”, “zemstvo” people” (1) .

So, the “black hundreds” are associations of “zemstvo” people, people of the earth, in contrast to the “servicemen”, whose life was inextricably linked with the institutions of the state. And, calling their organizations "black hundreds", the ideologists of the early 20th century sought to revive the ancient, purely "democratic" order of things: in a difficult time for the country, the unification of "zemstvo people" - "black hundreds" - are called upon to save its main foundations.

The founder of the organized "Black Hundreds" V. A. Gringmuth (he will be discussed later) in his already mentioned "Manual of the Monarchist Black Hundreds" (1906) wrote:

“The enemies of the autocracy called the “black hundred” the simple, black Russian people, who, during the armed revolt of 1905, came to the defense of the autocratic Tsar. Is it an honorary title, "black hundred"? Yes, very honorable. The Nizhny Novgorod Black Hundred, gathered around Minin, saved Moscow and all of Russia from the Poles and Russian traitors ”(2) .

From this it is clear, in particular, that the ideologists of the "Black Hundreds" adopted this "nickname" and even cherished it because of its deeply popular meaning and meaning imbued with genuine democracy. To some, the last statement may seem purely paradoxical, because it was precisely the irreconcilable enemies, the antipodes of the "Black Hundreds", who declared themselves the only real "democrats". But here is a very curious confession of an ideologist who cannot in any way be suspected of striving to “whitewash” the extreme opponents of the Revolution: “There is one extremely important feature in our Black Hundreds, to which not enough attention has been paid. This is dark muzhik democracy, the crudest, but also the deepest” (3). So wrote in 1913, not just anyone, but V. I. Lenin. Moreover, the definition of “dark” given by him must be correctly understood. We are talking, no doubt, about those sections of the people who have not yet been touched by the "light", "enlightenment" emanating from the pages of revolutionary newspapers and from the lips of militant rally agitators. But in our time it is already easy, I think, to understand that the absence of such "enlightenment" provided no small advantages. For people who were not “enlightened” in this regard were more deeply and clearly aware, or at least felt, what the destruction of the basic foundations of Russian life would lead to - that is, Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality. We felt and tried to resist the destructive work...

In a word, V. I. Lenin was absolutely right when he spoke of the “most profound democratism” inherent in the “Black Hundreds”. And at the same time, Lenin's definition of "muzhik" is false. The "Black Hundreds" differed from all other political currents in its, if you like, "nationwide", it took shape over the boundaries of classes and estates. From the very beginning, both the noblest princes of the Rurikovichs (for example, the great-grandson of the Decembrist M.N. Volkonsky and D.N. Dolgorukov), and the workers of the Putilov factory (1500 of them were members of the Union of the Russian People) (4), the most prominent figures cultures (which will be discussed later) and “illiterate” peasants, enterprising merchants and hierarchs of the Church, etc. This “all-estate” in the situation of the most acute “class struggle” characteristic of the beginning of the 20th century already attracts interested attention in itself.

Here it is appropriate to recall that we are talking about mysterious pages of history. And isn’t the fact itself mysterious that so many of today’s popular authors and orators, who strive to expose and curse the Revolution as “selflessly” as possible, at the same time are clearly still greater they furiously curse the “Black Hundreds”, who from the very beginning of the Revolution with remarkable, it must be said, accuracy foresaw its monstrous consequences and were, in essence, the only public (that is, not directly belonging to state institutions) force that really sought (albeit in vain) to stop the course of the Revolution? ...

This is a rather complex "mystery" that I will try to clear up throughout this essay, but it is important that readers constantly keep it in mind.

It is also worth paying attention to the fact that the purely abusive use of the word “Black Hundreds” (and, of course, “Black Hundred”) is greatly facilitated by the newest semantic content of the epithet “black”, which is present in it in addition to its direct meaning - that is, the meaning of a certain color. We have seen that at one time "black" was synonymous with the word "zemstvo". The army of Dmitry Donskoy, according to the "Legend of the Mamaev Battle", fought on the Kulikovo field under black banner, and this, perhaps, meant that not only “servicemen”, but also “zemstvo” people were participating in the battle - that is, the entire Russian Land. Let me also remind you that monks were called “blacks” (and to this day the phrase “black clergy” is still used - that is, monasticism). Thus, the word "black" was quite ambiguous. However, in recent times, semantic nuances have begun to dominate in it, speaking of something purely “gloomy”, “hostile” or even “satanic” ... And these overtones of the meaning of the word “black” are used, emphasized by intonation when pronouncing the word “Black Hundreds”, so that it is really not easy to “whitewash” (this pun involuntarily suggests itself) the phenomenon he designates. And yet we will try to understand who the “Black Hundreds” really were?

It is advisable to start with the necessary foundation on which any social movement is created - the problems culture(philosophical, scientific, political culture, etc.). Of course, there are social movements based on a very or even extremely poor, undeveloped and narrow cultural foundation, but one way or another it is still necessarily there.

The idea of the "Black Hundreds" is dominated by an assessment of their cultural level as the ultimate low; they are portrayed as a sort of "black-dark" subjects, living on a set of primitive dogmas and stereotyped slogans. This is how, for example, the constantly mentioned - usually with a purely ironic intonation - the fundamental triad for the Black Hundreds is interpreted: "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality."

Of course, in the minds of some or other ordinary people, this triple idea - as, indeed, any idea in general - existed as a flat slogan that did not have a significant meaning. But it is hardly possible to seriously dispute the assertion that in the spiritual works of Ivan Kireevsky, Khomyakov, Tyutchev, Gogol, Yuri Samarin, Konstantin and Ivan Aksakov, Dostoevsky, Konstantin Leontiev, the centuries-old realities of the Russian Church, the Russian Tsardom and the Russian People themselves appear as phenomena filled with the richest and the deepest historical content, which in terms of its cultural and spiritual value is in no way inferior to, say, the historical content embodied in Western European self-consciousness.

Despite this, both in the West and in Russia, of course, there were and are numerous ideologists who are trying in every possible way to belittle the content of the Russian historical path that has developed over the centuries, declaring it something obviously and much less significant than the content imprinted in Western European self-consciousness. . However, such attempts, I repeat, are simply not serious.

In particular, they turn out to be in a truly absurd contradiction with the obvious fact that the heritage of the Russian writers and thinkers just listed has long been highly valued in the West - sometimes (even if it sounds somehow shameful for Russian people ...) more highly, than in Russia itself. And attempts to devalue the understanding of the triple idea “Orthodoxy-autocracy-nationality”, expressed in their heritage, testify either to the wretchedness of those who make such attempts, or to their unscrupulous tendentiousness (by the way, to discredit the “triple idea”, the following technique is used: here, they say , Dostoevsky is indeed an incomparable genius, but he had a strange Achilles heel: faith in the Church, the Tsar and the People).

It is impossible not to notice that the most "intelligent" opponents of the tripartite idea acted and are acting differently. They give high or even the highest honors to the Russian thinkers of the 19th century, especially those of the pre-reform period, who were inspired by this idea, but they argue that, they say, by the 20th century this idea “decayed” or “degenerated” and began to turn into a vulgar dogma.

Vladimir Solovyov, who, by the way, began his journey precisely among the faithful Slavophiles and their heirs, in close connection with Ivan Aksakov, Dostoevsky, Leontiev, by the middle of the 1880s very sharply changed his positions and criticized more and more uncompromisingly (often surprisingly lightly) of his recent associates. In 1889, he published a lengthy article with an expressive title: "Slavophilism and its degeneration." Here, while appreciating rather highly the Slavophils of the 1840s and 1850s, he almost completely rejects the successors of Slavophilism contemporary to him.

Further, the leader of liberalism, P. N. Milyukov, in 1893 (that is, also before the appearance of the “Black Hundreds” in the literal sense of the word) appeared with the article “The Decomposition of Slavophilism”; regardless of the intentions of the author, this name also implied that at one time "Slavophilism" was something significant, but by 1893 it had "decomposed" and, therefore, lost its former meaning.

In 1911, the cultural historian M. O. Gershenzon prepared the works of Ivan Kireevsky for publication and, declaring him in his preface one of the deepest universal thinkers of the 19th century, at the same time complained that some of his ideas had by now turned into something insignificant and outrageous.

Of course, in the three quarters of a century that have elapsed since the emergence of Slavophilism and before this Gershenzonian “accusation”, much has changed in Russian self-consciousness. However, this was due not at all to some kind of “degeneration” of the idea, but to a most significant change in historical reality itself: it was impossible to think in Russia and about Russia in the 1900s–1910s in exactly the same way as in the 1840s–1850s…

For a more complete identification of the problem, I will note, looking ahead, that in our time, in the 1990s, the “process” I have outlined continues to develop, and those ideologists who reject the current successors of Slavophilism from the threshold, quite respectfully treat not only the “classical” to the Slavophils of the first half of the 19th century, but also to their heirs such as Leontiev or Nikolai Strakhov, and often later ones like Rozanov or Florensky. But these ideologists still completely "deny" any contemporary continuation of Slavophilism (in the broad sense of the word). However, we will return to this topic later.

Let us now turn directly to the "Black Hundreds" of the early 20th century. Even from the above considerations, it is clear that even the most resolute opponents of the “Black Hundreds” somehow recognized its direct connection with the long and significant previous development of Russian thought, arguing, it is true, that by the 20th century this thought had “decomposed” and “degenerated”. “Degenerated” to such an extent that, as it were, it lost its cultural status altogether. And the idea clearly prevails that the “Black Hundreds” of the early 20th century have nothing to do with true culture with its inherent height, wealth, diversity and refinement; culture, they say, is absolutely incompatible with the "Black Hundreds".

This idea has become so firmly established in the minds of the overwhelming majority of people that when they seriously get to know the real representatives of the "Black Hundreds", they experience a feeling of real amazement. So, for example, the modern archivist S. V. Shumikhin, who prepared a number of interesting publications, was, by his own admission, "amazed" when he happened to get acquainted with the legacy and personality of one of the most prominent "Black Hundred" figures of the beginning of the century - a member of the Chief Council of the Union of the Russian People B. V. Nikolsky (1870–1919). It was the archivist who "happened" to find out about this man, since he studied the valuable heritage of the half-forgotten poet, prose writer and literary critic Boris Sadovsky (who, however, as it turned out, was also a "Black Hundred" - though not by belonging to any organizations, but by internal convictions), but, having discovered a number of letters from B.V. Nikolsky in Sadovsky’s archive, S.V. Shumikhin involuntarily became interested in this close associate of his idol. And this is the impression this man made on the archivist (some words are highlighted in the text by me):

“First of all, in this outstanding personality strikes what ideas seeming us(It would be worth clarifying who these very “we” are? - VK.) in historical retrospect incompatible, combined in Nikolskoe completely organically, without a shadow of any mental discomfort. On the one hand, he was a multi-talented person: an admirer and deep researcher of Fet's work ... the largest specialist in the work of Gaius Valery Catullus; Pushkinist, poet, critic, marked by an undoubted talent; in addition - one of the best speakers of his time ... On the other hand, we have before us an active member of the "Union of the Russian People" (the archivist obviously did not dare to say: "one of the main leaders." - VK.) and no less odious (just about! - VK.) of the “Russian Assembly”… an orthodox monarchist” (5), etc. (so, being a monarchist is a crime in itself…).

To this one could add that B. V. Nikolsky was a major jurist who deeply studied Roman and modern law, that he collected one of the largest and most valuable private libraries of that time, for which he had to rent a whole separate apartment, which ... however, it's hard to list everything here. I will only mention the following fact. In 1900, Alexander Blok brought his youthful, but already wonderful poems to the journal Mir Bozhiy, which seemed to have a wide program, where N. A. Berdyaev and F. D. Batyushkov, I. A. Bunin and V. I. Lenin ... But, having become acquainted with the poems, the purely liberal editor of the magazine V.P. Ostrogorsky told Blok: “Shame on you, young man, to study this when God knows what is happening at the university” (6) (it was about the then struggle of students for “freedom.” - VK.).

The next time, Blok gave his poems to B.V. Nikolsky, and he (and he was already one of the most active figures in the “Black Hundred” Russian Assembly at that time), impartially criticizing the young poet for “decadentism”, nevertheless sent his talented poems to print. This episode throws light on the level of aesthetic culture of the liberal and the Black Hundreds.

In his 1915 autobiography, Blok recalled with satisfaction that after his failure with Ostrogorsky, he “did not go anywhere for a long time, until in 1902 I was sent to B. Nikolsky” (ibid.).

It should be emphasized that the perception by the modern archivist S. V. Shumikhin of the heritage of a prominent cultural figure and at the same time the most active "Black Hundreds" B. V. Nikolsky is only one expressive "example" that helps to clarify the problem. It would be completely wrong to understand my reasoning as a kind of reproach, or at least a controversy addressed specifically to S. V. Shumikhin. I repeat once again that the vast majority of today's readers, faced with the "phenomenon" of B. V. Nikolsky, would perceive him in exactly the same way as the named archivist, because the majority is enslaved by the myth of the "Black Hundreds". In a word, S. V. Shumikhin is just a typical modern reader (and researcher) on a rendezvous, on a date with the "Black Hundreds".

And this reader is convinced that the personality of B. V. Nikolsky, a member of the Main Council of the Union of the Russian People, decisively contradicts the completely dominant idea of the “Black Hundreds”. However, perhaps this is only some exceptional case that so struck the modern observer? And the highly cultured B.V. Nikolsky - a kind of white crow in the "Black Hundreds", who ended up in its ranks for some ridiculous reason? The archivist - although he is generally a knowledgeable, knowledgeable person - perceives B.V. Nikolsky in this way (this is clearly seen from his statements). The idea of the “Black Hundreds” hammered into his mind truly fatally blinds his eyes, prevents him from seeing the real state of affairs, which, in essence, just the opposite"common" view.

Outstanding figures of culture (as well as those of the Church and the state) quite rarely entered into direct, immediate connection with any political movements. Nevertheless, a comrade (that is, a deputy - the second most important person) of the chairman of the Main Council of the Union of the Russian People was one of the two most prominent philologists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Academician A.I. Sobolevsky (the second of these two philologists, Academician A.I. A. Shakhmatov, on the contrary, was a member of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party). Aleksey Ivanovich Sobolevsky (1856-1929) had the highest worldwide recognition, and after 1917, when many active "Black Hundreds" were - moreover, as a rule, without any investigation or trial - were shot (including B.V. . Nikolsky), they did not dare to touch him, and his classical works were published in the USSR even after his death.

The most active (although not agreeing to hold leadership positions) member of the “Black Hundreds” organizations was the Bishop, ace of 1917, Metropolitan Anthony (in the world - Alexei Pavlovich Khrapovitsky; 1863-1934). In his youth, he was close to Dostoevsky and was - which, of course, says a lot about him - the prototype of the image of Alyosha Karamazov. The four-volume collection of his works, published in 1909-1917, appears as the embodiment of the heights of the theological thought of the 20th century, which is convincingly stated in the fundamental treatise of Fr. Georgy Florovsky's Ways of Russian Theology, published here in 1991 (see pp. 427–438 and especially p. 565, where G. V. Florovsky shows how much deeper and higher understanding of the essence of the Church in the writings of Metropolitan Anthony was than in writings on this subject, belonging to the famous V. S. Solovyov). By the way, Bishop Anthony constantly communicated and corresponded with the aforementioned B.V. Nikolsky.

At the All-Russian Local Council in November 1917, Archbishop Anthony was one of the two main candidates for the post of Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia; Metropolitan Tikhon of Moscow (V. I. Belavin) received only 12 votes more than Anthony when he was elected Patriarch (the ratio of votes was 162:150). But Tikhon, now (in 1990) canonized by the Church as a saint, was apparently more ready for the difficult moral feat that he accomplished as Patriarch in 1917-1925 (Antony emigrated and became head of the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad).

And it is impossible not to recall that the future Patriarch Tikhon, holding the post of Archbishop of Yaroslavl and Rostov in 1907-1913, at the same time quite officially led the provincial department of the Union of the Russian People (Antony, as already mentioned, did not agree to occupy a leading position in the "Black Hundred" organizations, although he was very actively involved in their activities).

The ascetic tragic fate of St. Tikhon is quite widely known today, but during his glorification, the fact that he was the most prominent “Black Hundred” is hushed up, just like the luminous archpriest John of Kronstadt, who was canonized at the same time with him. V. I. Lenin was absolutely correct when, during his fierce struggle with Patriarch Tikhon and his associates, he constantly called them "the Black Hundred clergy."

As already mentioned, many prominent figures of the Church, state and culture of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century did not consider it possible or necessary to directly associate themselves with the "Black Hundred" organizations. Nevertheless, in the lists of members of the main of these organizations published at the beginning of the 20th century - such as the Russian Assembly, the Union of Russian People, the Russian Monarchist Party, the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel - we find many names of the most prominent cultural figures of that time (moreover, some of them even occupied a leading position in these organizations).

Here are at least a few of these names (all of them, by the way, are presented in any modern encyclopedic dictionary): one of the most authoritative philologists, academician K. Ya. Grot, an outstanding historian, academician N. P. Likhachev, a wonderful musician, creator of the first orchestra in Russia folk instruments V. V. Andreev, one of the greatest physicians Professor S. S. Botkin, the great actress M. G. Savina, the world-famous Byzantine academician N. P. Kondakov, excellent poets Konstantin Sluchevsky and Mikhail Kuzmin and no less excellent painters Konstantin Makovsky and Nicholas Roerich (who later became famous for his spiritual initiatives), one of the leading figures in botanical science, Academician V. L. Komarov (later President of the Academy of Sciences), an outstanding book publisher I. D. Sytin, etc. etc.

I repeat, we are talking about people who were directly involved in the "Black Hundred" organizations. If we turn to the names of prominent figures in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, who to some extent shared the “Black Hundred” ideology, but for one reason or another did not join the relevant organizations, we will have to come to an unexpected conclusion for many, many modern readers.

It would be appropriate to formulate this conclusion immediately, even before the presentation of substantive evidence. There is every reason to assert (although this assertion, of course, will cause distrust and even, in all likelihood, outright protest) that prevailing part of the most deep and creative in spirit and - it is absolutely indisputable - the most visionary in its understanding of the course of history of the figures of the early 20th century, one way or another, in fact, turned out to be in line with the “Black Hundreds”. We are talking, in particular, about people who not only were not members of the "Black Hundred" organizations, but sometimes even dissociated themselves from them (which had its own good reasons). Nevertheless, if we “try on” the views and moods of these people to the parties and political movements that were available at that time, it becomes quite clear that only it was precisely and only the “Black Hundreds” that were close to them, and their opponents quite reasonably stated this more than once.

It is appropriate to start with the question of historical foresight, and here I will turn to a truly remarkable document - a note filed in February 1914 by Nicholas II. Its author, P. N. Durnovo (1845–1915), from October 23, 1905 to April 22, 1906, was the Minister of the Interior of Russia (he was replaced in this post by P. A. Stolypin), and then took a much more “calm” » the position of a member of the State Council (it is worth noting that P. N. Durnovo, like almost all Russian ministers of the interior of the early 20th century, was sentenced to death by left-wing terrorists).

Even if only by virtue of his official position, P. N. Durnovo did not belong to any organizations, but no one doubted his “Black Hundred” convictions. His note to the tsar is imbued with such an amazing spirit of foresight that the modern historian A. Ya. and an equally selfless detractor of all her opponents, - nevertheless, he could not refrain from a kind of dithyramb addressed to Pyotr Nikolaevich Durnovo. Declaring that this figure is “an extreme reactionary in his views” (and this, as noted above, is a synonym for “Black Hundreds”), A. Ya. Avrekh immediately characterizes him as the creator of “a document that, as subsequent events showed, turned out to be real prophecy, fulfilled in all its major aspects."

In February 1914, the impending threat of war with Germany was already obvious, and P. N. Durnovo, urging Nicholas II to prevent this war at any cost, wrote: “... it will begin with the fact that all failures will be attributed to the government. A furious campaign against him will begin in legislative institutions, as a result of which revolutionary actions will begin in the country. These latter will immediately put forward socialist slogans, the only ones that can stir up and group broad sections of the population, first a black redistribution, and then a general division of all values and property. ... An army that has lost ... during the war the most reliable personnel, captured for the most part by the spontaneously common peasant desire for land, will be too demoralized to serve as a bulwark of law and order. Legislative institutions and opposition-intelligent parties deprived of real authority in the eyes of the people will be unable to restrain the divergent popular waves raised by them, and Russia will be plunged into hopeless anarchy, the outcome of which cannot even be foreseen. Further, P. N. Durnovo explained more: “Behind our opposition (meaning the Duma liberals. - VK.) there is no one, it has no support among the people ... our opposition does not want to reckon with the fact that it does not represent any real force ”(7) .

This is a surprisingly clear foresight of everything that happened then in Russia until the establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship (p. puts to shame all the then "liberal" and "progressive" ideologists (beginning with the more "leftist" P. N. Milyukov and ending with the least "left" Octobrist A. I. Guchkov), who believed that the transfer of power into their hands - and it really happened in February 1917 - will be a solid guarantee of solving the main Russian problems (in fact, the same Milyukov and Guchkov stayed in power for only two months ...).

So, the historian A. Ya. Avrekh calls P. N. Durnovo "an extreme reactionary in his views" and at the same time calls the note he compiled "a real prophecy, fulfilled in all its main aspects." It is clear from the context that the historian sees here a direct “contradiction” (just as S. V. Shumikhin contrasts the higher culture of B. V. Nikolsky and his “Black Hundreds”). Meanwhile, in reality exactly those qualities which, according to the terminology of A. Ya. Avrekh, were “extreme reactionary”, determined the prophetic power of P. N. Durnovo and his other like-minded people.

One of the most important Cadet leaders, V. A. Maklakov, unlike the vast majority of his comrades, honestly admitted in his memoirs published in 1929 by the Parisian Sovremennye Zapiski (vol. 38, p. 290) that “they are right in their predictions ( the right as a whole, and not just P. N. Durnovo or anyone else. VK.) turned out to be prophets. They predicted that the liberals in power would be only the forerunners of the revolution, they would surrender their positions to it. That was the main argument why they fought so hard against liberalism.”

So, the struggle of the rightists (V. A. Maklakov in this case was clearly embarrassed to use the nickname "Black Hundreds") against liberalism was determined, dictated by the true understanding the future path of Russian history; the Cadet ideologist even found it possible to sublimely call these irreconcilable opponents "prophets". The very definition of “right” suddenly acquires a most valuable meaning here: “rights” are those who, in contrast to liberals, who belonged to the “left” to one degree or another, were right in their understanding of the course of history.

And the opponents of the "Rights" can, of course, find in them a variety of negative, bad traits and call them "conservatives", "reactionaries" and, finally, "Black Hundreds", putting rejection and hatred into these names, but one cannot but recognize that it was and only these figures and ideologists who really understood where Russia was heading at the beginning of the 20th century...

Before going any further, it is necessary to characterize, at least briefly, the real meaning of the term "reactionary." It is based on a Latin word meaning "opposition". Deprived, in essence, of any specificity, the terms "reaction", "reactionary", "reactionary", etc., have developed as antonyms (that is, words of the opposite meaning) to the terms "progress", "progressive", "progressive" etc., coming from the same Latin word meaning "moving forward."

The term "progress" in modern times has become the most important for most ideologists, who put into it a purely "evaluative" meaning: not just "moving forward", but moving towards a fundamentally better, ultimately perfect society - a kind of earthly paradise.

The idea of progress took hold during the spread of atheism and became a substitute for (or rather, substitution) religion. True, in the last decades of the 20th century, even unconditional "progressives" seemed to be forced to stipulate that "progress" has a more or less "relative" character. So, in the corresponding article of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (vol. 21, published in 1975), it is first stated that progress is “a transition from the lower to the higher, from the less perfect to the more perfect” (p. 28), and then it is said, that “the concept of progress is not applicable to the Universe as a whole, since there is no unambiguously defined direction of development here” (p. 29). This seems to be understood in such a way that in the development of human society (unlike the Universe as a whole) one completely “definite” direction of development (towards perfection) reigns, however, elsewhere in the article it is said that “in pre-socialist formations ... some elements of the social whole systematically progress at the expense of others”, that is, to put it simply, something improves and something worsens at the same time… And even “socialist society… does not cancel the inconsistency of development”.

If you think about it, these reservations, in fact, deny the idea of progress, for it turns out that gains at the same time lead to losses. And the very “removal” of the existence of people from the existence of the Universe as a whole is extremely doubtful, where, even from the point of view of the progressives themselves, there is no progress (in the sense of “improvement”); after all, people, in particular, are not only a special - public, social - phenomenon, but also a phenomenon of nature, an element of the universe as a whole. And today it is clear to any thinking person, for example, that the colossal progress of technology has brought the very existence of mankind to the brink of catastrophe...

In a word, one can talk about progress as a certain development, change, transformation of society, but the idea of progress as some kind of fundamental “improvement”, “perfection”, etc., is only myth modern times - from the 17th-18th centuries (a solid reason for reflection is given by the fact that earlier the opposite myth dominated in the minds of people, according to which the "golden age" remained in the past ...).

The myth of the ever-increasing “improvement” of human society is clearly refuted by a simple comparison of the specific and integral incarnations of this society at different stages of its development, separated by centuries and millennia: who, in fact, dares to assert that Plato and Phidias, Christ’s apostles and Emperor Mark Are Aurelius, Sergius of Radonezh and Andrei Rublev less “perfect” than the most “perfect” people of our time, which was preceded by such a long human “progress”? But the true reality of society is still not the amount of energy consumed, not the nature of the political structure, not the education system, etc., but the people themselves, one way or another absorbed all aspects and elements of the social life of their time. And one more thing: who dares to prove that people living in a later, more "progressive" era are happier than people of previous eras? Art, which captures in one way or another the spiritual and spiritual life of people of any era, will in no way confirm such a thesis ...

But, speaking of all this, one cannot remain silent about a truly acute problem. Despite the fact that the myth of progress has recently been noticeably discredited, it still remains the property of the majority (or, perhaps, even the vast majority) of "civilized" people. After all, as already mentioned, faith in progress was a substitute for faith in God, and people cannot live at all. without faith. And the mass of people is imbued with an entirely illusory conviction that by "improving" the existing society, they - or at least their children - will find true satisfaction and happiness.

Particularly dangerous, of course, are the diverse ideologists who are convinced not only that this goal is achievable, but also that they know how to achieve it. At the same time, naturally, not even the task of creating a more perfect social order comes to the fore, but a preliminary radical alteration or even complete elimination of the existing structure.

Now we can return directly to our topic. At the beginning of the 20th century, innumerable “progressives” were exceptionally active in Russia - both liberal, striving to fundamentally reform Russian society, and revolutionary, convinced of the need for its complete destruction (which, as it were, would in itself ensure the welfare and prosperity of Russia). They called their opponents "reactionaries" (that is, literally "opposing"); this word, in fact, became abusive and directly adjacent to the nickname "Black Hundreds".

Of course, there were different people among the "reactionaries" (more on this below). But let's focus on the most significant of them - those whom the "progressives" themselves were sometimes embarrassed to call "reactionaries" (and even more so "Black Hundreds"), preferring the not so harsh designation "conservative", that is, "protector" (by the way, this Russian equivalent the word "conservative" was much more "swearing": "protector" seemed to merge with the "tsarist secret police").

The "reactionaries" included those who clearly understood the illusory nature of the idea of progress, clearly saw that the weakening and destruction of the age-old foundations of Russia would lead to innumerable troubles and suffering, and in the end fatally "disappoint" even the "progressives" themselves.

We have already spoken of the amazing power of foresight possessed by the "reactionaries". The fact is that the "progressives", enslaved by their myth, obviously could not see the real course of history. Their vision of the future was, as it were, obscured by their own lightweight projectors and inevitably turned out to be superficial and primitive.

And, of course, not only foresight as such, but in general, spiritual depth and richness are most often organically linked with the so-called "right" beliefs. It is appropriate to start with the name of the greatest scientist of the late XIX - early XX century, D. I. Mendeleev, who in his mature years professed strong "right" convictions. This was curiously recalled by one of his very "liberal" students - V. I. Vernadsky. Speaking about the obviously "conservative" (the word "reactionary" Vernadsky did not want to use, but "protective" is enough. - VK.) political views "of D. I. Mendeleev, he at the same time testified:" ... brightly and beautifully, figuratively and strongly he painted before us the endless field of exact knowledge, its significance in the life and development of mankind ... We, as it were, were freed from the vice, entered a new, wonderful world... Dmitry Ivanovich, lifting us up and arousing the deepest aspirations of the human personality for knowledge and its active application, aroused in very many such logical conclusions and constructions that were far from him" (eight) .

Here we are once again faced with an imaginary - imposed liberal myth - "contradiction" between "conservatism" and the depth and richness of spiritual culture. In Soviet times, even a kind of “concept” of the so-called in spite of, with the help of which they tried to prove that the great thinkers, writers, scientists who professed unconditionally "conservative" and "reactionary" convictions - such as Kant, Hegel, Goethe, Carlyle, Balzac, Dostoevsky - achieved greatness due to a certain paradox - " contrary to their views. But this artificial "concept" is simply not serious, and, of course, the opposite is true.

The "superiority" of conservatism is especially clear when it comes to foreseeing the future (which has already been mentioned). From the very beginning of the Revolution, and moreover, back in the 19th century, the Russian "rightists" predicted its results with amazing perspicacity. And the following is quite obvious: the figures and ideologists who opposed the "right" proceeded from a deliberately untenable and, moreover, in fact, a primitive worldview, according to which, having rejected and destroyed the age-old foundations of Russia's existence, it is possible to more or less quickly acquire some if and not heavenly, then in any case a fundamentally more fertile life; while they were convinced that their mind and their will are quite suitable for the implementation of this undertaking.

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Ally".

The social basis of these organizations was made up of heterogeneous elements: landowners, representatives of the clergy, the large and small urban bourgeoisie, merchants, peasants, workers, tradesmen, artisans, Cossacks, police officers, who advocated the preservation of the inviolability of the autocracy on the basis of the Uvarov formula "Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality" . The period of special activity of the Black Hundreds fell on -1914.

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The origins of the ideology of the Black Hundreds originate in the Slavophil current. Many of its provisions were intertwined with the official monarchist doctrine, the platform of the nationalists, and in some cases with the Octobrist program. The Black Hundreds opposed themselves to Marxism and did not recognize the materialistic understanding of history [ ] .
In the field of economics, the Black Hundreds were in favor of diversity. Part of the Black Hundreds economists proposed to abandon the commodity support of the ruble.
Part of the Black Hundred ideas - both the programs of organizations and the topics discussed by the Black Hundred press - assumed a conservative social structure (there were significant disputes over the admissibility of parliamentarism and representative institutions in general in an autocratic monarchy), and some curbing of the "excesses" of capitalism, as well as strengthening social solidarity, forms of direct democracy.

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Black Hundreds
- The Black Hundreds trace their origins to the lower Nizhny Novgorod militia of the Time of Troubles, led by Kuzma Minin, who "stand for the house of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the Orthodox Christian faith, took up arms against the destroyers of the Russian land for the sake of saving the father's faith and the fatherland from death" (In Russia XIV-XVII centuries "black" the land plots of the black-mowed peasants and the taxed urban population were called. In historical sources "black" lands are opposed "white" lands owned by feudal lords and the church).
- The Black Hundred movement came out at the beginning of the 20th century under the slogans of protecting the Russian Empire and its traditional values of "Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality."
The first organization of the Black Hundreds was the Russian Assembly, created in 1900.
A significant source of funding for the Black Hundreds was private donations and collections.
According to a number of scientists, the participation of well-known figures in the Black Hundred organizations was subsequently significantly exaggerated. Thus, Doctor of Philosophical Sciences, Professor Sergei Lebedev believes that

Modern right-wingers ... like to increase this already long list by including those figures of Russian culture who were not formally members of the Black Hundred unions, but did not hide their right-wing views. These include, in particular, the great D. I. Mendeleev, artist V. M. Vasnetsov, philosopher V. V. Rozanov ...

The “Black Hundred” of 1905-1917 are several large and small monarchical organizations: “Union of the Russian people”, “Union of Michael the Archangel”, “Russian monarchist party”, “Union of Russian people”, “Union of struggle against sedition”, “Council united nobility", "Russian assembly" and others.
The Black Hundreds movement at various times published the newspapers Russkoye Znamya, Zemshchina, Pochaevsky Leaf, Kolokol, Thunderstorm, and Veche. Black Hundred ideas were also preached in the major newspapers Moskovskiye Vedomosti, Kievlyanin, Grazhdanin, and Svet.
Among the leaders of the Black Hundred movement, Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Nikolai Markov, Prince M.K. Shakhovskoy stood out.

Role in the pogroms

Members of the Black Hundred carried out raids (with unofficial government approval) against various revolutionary groups and pogroms, including against Jews.
The researcher of the "Black Hundred" historian Maxim Razmolodin believes that this issue is debatable and requires further study.
The Black Hundred organizations began their formation not before, a after the first, most powerful wave of pogroms. Doctor of Historical Sciences, the historian of the Black Hundred movement Sergei Stepanov writes that in the subsequent period, the fighting squads of the Union of the Russian People and other extreme right-wing organizations became the weapons of the Black Hundred terror. Maxim Razmolodin argues that as the activities of the Black Hundred organizations unfolded, the wave of pogroms began to subside, which was pointed out by many prominent figures in this movement and recognized by political opponents.

The Black Hundred organizations were most active in regions with a mixed population (on the territory of modern Ukraine, Belarus and in 15 provinces of the Jewish Pale), where more than half of all members of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations were concentrated. After the organization of the Black Hundred movement, only two major pogroms were recorded. Both of them took place in 1906 on the territory of Poland, where the Russian Black Hundreds had no influence. The leaders of the Black Hundred movement and the statutes of the organizations declared the law-abiding nature of the movement and condemned the pogroms. In particular, the chairman of the Union of the Russian People, AI Dubrovin, in a special statement in 1906, defined pogroms as a crime. Although the fight against "Jewish dominance" was one of the foundations of the movement, its leaders explained that it should be carried out not by violence, but by economic and ideological methods, that is, mainly by increasing discrimination against Jews. Razmolodin claims that the Black Hundred newspapers, with a general anti-Semitic orientation, did not publish a single direct call for a Jewish pogrom.
However, Sergei Stepanov argues that program documents and real activities differed greatly from each other. There are facts testifying to the active propaganda of anti-revolutionary violence by the Black Hundreds. J.D.Klier and Shlomo Lambroso cite the words of M. Dubrovin, spoken in front of 300 members of the Odessa NRC organization:

The extermination of rebels is a holy Russian cause. You know who they are and where to look for them... Death to the rebels and the Jews! .

Terror against the "black hundred"

The radical socialist parties launched a campaign of terror against the Black Hundreds. The leader of the Social Democrats V. I. Lenin wrote in 1905:
Detachments of the revolutionary army must immediately study who, where and how make up the Black Hundreds, and then not limit themselves to one sermon (this is useful, but this alone is not enough), but act with armed force, beating the Black Hundreds, killing them, blowing up their headquarters etc.

On behalf of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP, an armed attack was carried out on the Tver tea house, where the workers of the Nevsky Shipbuilding Plant, who were members of the Union of the Russian People, gathered. First, two bombs were thrown by the Bolshevik militants, and then those who ran out of the teahouse were shot with revolvers. The Bolsheviks killed two and wounded fifteen people.
Revolutionary organizations carried out many terrorist acts against members of right-wing parties, mainly against the chairmen of local departments of the Union of the Russian People. So, according to the police department, only in March 1908 in one Chernihiv province in the city of Bakhmach a bomb was thrown at the house of the chairman of the local union of the RNC, in the city of Nizhyn the house of the chairman of the union was set on fire, and the whole family died, in the village of Domyany the chairman of the department was killed, two chairmen of departments were killed in Nizhyn.

Weakening and end of the Black Hundred movement

Despite massive support among the urban burghers and the sympathy of the Russian Orthodox clergy and influential aristocrats, the Russian radical right movement has remained underdeveloped since its inception on the Russian public scene for the following reasons:
- The Black Hundred movement failed to convince Russian society of its ability to offer a positive program in response to the then demands for political ideology; the explanation of all the problems and ills of society by the subversive activities of the Jews seemed excessively one-sided even to those who did not sympathize with the Jews;
- The Black Hundred movement failed to offer an effective alternative to the liberal and revolutionary, radical leftist ideas that had won wide circles of the intelligentsia in Russia;
- Continuous splits and internal strife in the Black Hundreds movement, accompanied by numerous scandals and mutual accusations (including serious criminal offenses) undermined public confidence in the movement as a whole; for example, the most famous figure of the right movement, Fr. John Vostorgov was accused by right-wing political competitors of poisoning the right-wing politician P. A. Krushevan, killing his own wife out of a desire to become a bishop, stealing the sums of monarchist organizations;
- A strong public opinion has formed that the Black Hundred movement is secretly financed from the secret funds of the Ministry of the Interior, and all conflicts in the movement are caused by the struggle for access of individuals to these sums;
- The participation of the latter in the murders of Duma deputies M. Ya. Gertsenshtein and G. B. Iollos had an adverse effect on public opinion about the Black Hundreds; as well as the accusations made by former Prime Minister Count S. J. Witte of attempting to assassinate him by blowing up his house;
- The activities of the deputies of the right faction in the III State Duma, primarily V. M. Purishkevich and N. E. Markov, 2nd, were provocative, shocking in nature and were accompanied by numerous scandals that did not contribute to the formation of respect for these politicians; A. N. Khvostov’s activity as Minister of the Interior ended in a loud scandal associated with his alleged attempt to organize the murder of G. E. Rasputin and his subsequent quick resignation.
Despite certain political successes, after the Russian Revolution of 1905, the Black Hundred movement could not become a monolithic political force and find allies in the multi-ethnic, multi-structural Russian society. On the other hand, the Black Hundreds managed to turn against themselves not only influential radical left and liberal centrist circles, but also some of their potential allies among supporters of the ideas of Russian imperial nationalism.
The All-Russian National Union and the faction of nationalists associated with it in the Third Duma were in some competition with the Black Hundred movement. In 1909, the moderate-right faction merged with the national faction. The new Russian national faction (colloquially known as the “nationalists”), unlike the rightists, managed to position themselves in such a way that their votes, together with the Octobrists, formed the pro-government majority in the Duma, while the government had no need for right-wing votes. The insignificance of the votes of their faction during the voting, the right-wing deputies compensated for with aggressive, provocative behavior, which even more turned the members of the faction into political pariahs.

Notes
1. Sharova V. L. Right-wing radical ideology in Russia: origins and continuity // Political and Philosophical Yearbook. - M.: Institute of Philosophy RAS, 2008. - Issue. one . - S. 121.
2. S.Stepanov "Black Hundred"
3. Black Hundreds- article from the Great Soviet Encyclopedia.
4. S. A. Stepanov. "Black Hundred. What did they do for the greatness of Russia? // M.: Yauza-press, 2013
5. Bizyukin S. S. Economic views of the right-monarchist (Black-Hundred) movement in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century // View from the third millennium: Collection of abstracts. Ryaz. state ped. un-t im. S. A. Yesenina - Ryazan, 2003.
6. Information about organization on website “Chronos”
7. Ideology right radicalism beginning 20th century
8. Kulikov S. V. Emperor Nicholas II during the First World War. SPb. 2000, p. 285
9. Siberian trading newspaper. No. 83. April 12, 1907. Tyumen
10. Black Hundreds
11. Black Hundreds
12. Razmolodin M. L. Some thoughts on about so-called. "Jewish pogroms" (indefinite) . Chronos website. Retrieved April 11, 2012. Archived from the original on May 15, 2012.
13. Black Hundred Terror 1905-1907
14. Lambrozo S., Klier J.D. Pogroms: Anti-Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History . - Cambridge University Press, 1992. - P. 224. - ISBN 978-0-521-40532-4.
15. Cf.: The Times, October 9, 1906; In their monograph, J.D. Klier and Shlomo Lambroso refer to the next day's issue of the Times, October 10, which published the end of the "Russia" article. The name of Dubrovin is the correspondent of the London " Times” mentions again in the article “ Russian black hundred" dated March 8, 1911.
16. Lenin. Tasks detachments revolutionary army
17. The first militant organization of the Bolsheviks. 1905-1907 - M., 1934. - S. 221.
18. Circular of the Police Department of March 8, 1908 // Political police and political terrorism in Russia (second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries): Collection of documents. - M.: AIRO-XXI, 2001. -

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