Essay writing rules

Essay can be defined as review, meditation over any problem.

Compared to an essay, there are no strict requirements for writing an essay, but on the contrary, relative creative freedom is provided with the ability to convey personal impressions. Topics may differ(!) from those proposed below (that is, they can be chosen and formulated independently, but in this case it is better to consult with the course teacher).

An essay is a fairly free work in format, however, for a certain convenience, it is better to build it according to the following scheme:

1) Main points(perhaps, the presentation of someone's views, concepts, or a description of a particular situation in society that you are analyzing)

2) Formulation and argumentation of your personal position(based on critical thinking)

3) Conclusion

The essay should briefly convey knowledge on the chosen issue and reasonably set out the formed point of view . Thus, you need to learn how to most clearly formulate your deeply thought-out positions, and not just teach and retell existing approaches.

The texts of scientific books, textbooks or websites that you will rely on should be indicated at the end of the essay.

If someone else's quotes are used, they must be quoted or explained who is the author of this idea (otherwise it will be considered plagiarism or compilation), and they should not occupy more than 10-15% of the entire text. And at the end of the work - a conclusion (even if it seems controversial to you yourself).

The volume of the essay is small - 1.5-2 pages, taking into account that the font is 12, the line spacing is 1.5 (or 2.5-5 thousand characters with spaces).

Topics for writing an essay on political science (1.5-2 pages):

1. Comparative analysis of the versions of Plato and Aristotle in relation to a person, society, state, family, property.

2. The problem of the correlation of politics, violence and morality.

3. Analysis of Marxist and neo-Marxist theories in relation to power and domination, authoritarian personality and civil society, totalitarianism and the principle of "interactions".

4. Borders and privileges of legitimate power in the use of violence.

5.Legitimacy and delegitimization of power.

6.Non-violent methods of struggle in a state of law.

7. Positive aspects and risks of freedoms and human rights.

8. Factors influencing the establishment of a particular political regime.

9. Fascist and communist (Stalinist) regimes as varieties of totalitarianism.

10. Possible models of transition to democracy.

11.Civil society as a political institution. (Your own position on civil society.)

12. Ideal form of government. (I.e. the best, in your opinion.)

13. The problem of interaction between the elite and society.

14. Differences in the concepts of "elite" and "nomenklatura".

15. Nomenklatura system and its social consequences.

16. Differences between formal and informal public organizations and movements.

17. Problems of formation of the party system in Belarus.

18. Possibilities and problems of political socialization of the individual.

19. Crowd as a spontaneous form of mass political activity.

20. Terror as an extremist way of political action.

21. Youth subcultures: conformity and non-conformism in their political action and behavior.

22. Characteristic aspects of formal and informal political leadership.

23. The role of chance in the emergence of a political leader.

24. "The cult of personality" in totalitarian states: a feature of the regime of power or the influence of the leader's personality traits?

25. The difference between the concepts of "leader" and "leader".

26.Modern elite of Belarus.

27. Possible ways of formation of national self-consciousness in the Republic of Belarus.

28. Problems of mental, cultural, historical and ethnic features in interethnic conflicts.

29.National-cultural policy in Belarus at the present stage.

30.National language as a specificity of sovereignty, national identity and political culture.

31. The nation as an "imaginary community."

32. National construction in Belarus.

33. Formation of national self-determination in Belarus (in the historical context and (or) at the present stage).

34. Ways to resolve political, national and social conflicts.

35. "East" and "West" as types of political cultures: specificity of approaches.

36. Ideology and (or) ideologies of societies: the need for unity or "party" (plurality)?

37. Manipulative aspect of ideologies.

38. General human interests dominating in modern conditions: the impact of politics on this aspect.

39. Possibilities of political solutions to global problems of our time.

40.Specificity and priorities of the development of the foreign policy of the modern Republic of Belarus.

41. Limits of political manipulation of the media.

42. Positive and negative aspects of PR technologies in the political life of modern society.

43. Independent media as one of the main principles of democracy.

44. Representation of political images through the media.

45.Modern global networks as an obstacle to totalitarian regimes.

46.Ideological pluralism in a democratic society.

47. Possibilities of political coexistence of different societies of our time.

48. Political consensus in the global dialogue of modern civilizations. (This is approximately the same topic as the previous one - 47, but there are differences: in the 48th topic, the emphasis is on the largest global communities and their similarities, and in the 47th topic, on the interaction of the majority with different micro-groups, that is, .e. minorities.)

49.Confessional policy in modern Belarus.

50. Rights and freedoms of citizens in the Republic of Belarus.

51. Resources and development potential of Belarus.

52.Trends and prospects for cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and other states and international organizations.

53. The specifics of the separation of powers in modern Belarus.

54. Civil society in modern Belarus.

55. Options for the transformation of Belarus into a post-industrial society.

A people deprived of the art of freedom will be overtaken by two classic dangers: anarchy and despotism. (I. A. Ilyin)

The main problem raised by the author in this statement is the problem of the political culture of society and its value orientations. After all, how the current political regime will look in the eyes of the people depends on the understanding of the word “freedom” by everyone. Some are ready to allow a totalitarian regime for the sake of stability, while others do not consider themselves free even in a democratic state. Is freedom a necessity for man?

I chose this topic for my essay because I consider this issue to be very relevant to the current situation in the world. When the entire world community is concerned about the problems of creating a new world order and the struggle for universal freedom.

Ilyin's position on this issue is extremely obvious. By the art of freedom, he means a number of factors. And he speaks specifically about art, also because it has never been possible to forcibly create art in the country, to force people to be cultured. So it is with freedom, this is a relative phenomenon, the main thing is how a person feels and feels it, and with it the whole society. It is precisely such societies that remained for centuries on the pages of history books, while the names of the great slave owners and dictators, as a rule, remain forgotten.

I completely agree with the author, his position sounds like an axiom, like a reminder of a seemingly obvious truth. There are many examples from history that prove that without a proper understanding of freedom, a people will receive either despotism or anarchy. Firstly, this is an example of Germany in the 30s of the 20th century, where all democratic institutions operated, and the constitution was one of the most liberal in the world, rights and freedoms and individuals were granted. But there was no economic prosperity, and the post-war crisis still raged in the country. And the people were attracted by the prosperity promised by the Nazi Party. For the sake of stability, out of the hope that the strong hand of the Nazi leader would bring order to the country, the German people agreed to lose their democratic freedoms. Second is the emancipation of slaves in the United States. The slave state did not play a prominent role in the world politics of the 19th century, but it was the departure from the plantation economy, which rested on slave labor, towards an innovative society that allowed the United States to strengthen its position on the world stage.

Yes, and in our country a society where the state did not instill freedom in people, but on the contrary, the conviction that only submission to the sole and irremovable power is the main duty of a citizen. It was this society that allowed an even more brutal regime to seize power in 1917. This would have happened if democratic values ​​were at the forefront in the state morality of the Empire, and not the education of subordinates for the monarchical-bureaucratic apparatus. Who knows, maybe now Russia would be a constitutional monarchy. So this saying, this is a reminder of any power that not free people will never voluntarily go to defend this power.

Essay on political science on the topic: “Those who undermine the state system are most often the first and die when it collapses” (Montaigne).

I agree with the author of this saying, namely with the French writer and philosopher of the Renaissance, the author of the book "Experiments" Michel de Montaigne. His judgment expresses a problem that has its roots deep in the past, when society constantly experienced spasmodic changes in its structure and changed in every possible way under the influence of various factors that had both an objective and a subjective content element.

The objective factors that influenced the course of the historical development of society include factors such as famine and epidemics, natural disasters. In turn, the subjective factors that influenced the life of society include the following factors: wars and mass revolutionary uprisings, the formation of new centers of trade and industry, and the creation of numerous scientific schools.

Montaigne's statement directly reflects the subjectivism inherent in any society, regardless of the specific period of time in which it exists. There have always been, are and will always be those in society who oppose the current political and legal regime, do not accept the established state system.

The main part of society, which cannot come to terms with the political situation in the country, is nevertheless not ready to openly challenge the state. The key reason for this inability and inability is the fear of the state in the person of its ruler, as well as the corresponding enforcement agencies and punitive systems.

Also, in society, almost any member of it is afraid to be a "black sheep" or become an "enemy of the people", imposing his will on the state. However, it is worth recognizing that there are those who are not afraid to do this. It is in relation to such people that Montaigne's saying justifies itself.

As a rule, these people, due to their own physiological characteristics or due to difficult life circumstances, are the most rebellious, ready to start a rebellion and "go" against the will of the sovereign.

History knows a lot of examples when such people not only alone opposed the state system, but also led entire masses of the people. These were: Emelyan Pugachev, Stepan Razin, Ivan Bolotnikov. All these historical figures were united by the goal - to push through the will of the state and subsequently subjugate it to themselves. However, shaking the state system, they were eventually one of the first to die as a result of its collapse.

History often shows that the rebellion that has arisen, gradually developing into a revolution and a civil war of all against all, is more likely to undermine the planned development of the state as a social institution, cause a long-term decline in society, and generally lead to stagnation and regression, rather than to progress and achievement. assigned tasks.

Montaigne's expression is absolutely equally applicable both to death in the physical, bodily sense of the word, and to death in the spiritual, moral and ethical sense of the word. Many of those who managed to “successfully undermine the political system” and change it, nevertheless, still perish under its “rubbles”, without having time to “get out” from under them. They die through degradation, sometimes without even thinking about such a threat.

Like it or not, but power intoxicates and intoxicates, acting as a kind of drug. It is dangerous because it destroys completely imperceptibly, turning it into a bloodthirsty and greedy creature, for which priceless categories acquire a price, and what has a price, and far from the highest, on the contrary, becomes priceless.

Thus, there is a substitution of truly eternal values ​​for imaginary (false) and temporary ones, which often do not cost a penny, not to mention the fact that many people are ready to give up their lost health and lost life in pursuit of them.

Student group No. 06906 Kurtz K.V.

Federal Agency for Science and Education

Moscow State University. Lomonosov

Faculty of Sociology

Ethnopolitical conflict

Moscow 2011

1. Concept, essence; ethnicity as a subject of politics……………………………3

5

3. Ethnopolitical conflicts in the modern world: the revival of nationalism………………………………………………………………………..8

4. Ethnopolitical conflict in the USSR and in the post-Soviet space..10

5. Ethnopolitical conflict in the North Caucasus……………………...……13

1. Concept, essence; ethnos as a subject of politics

Let's start with the definition of ethnopolitical conflict. A.A. Tushkov defines it as "a conflict with a certain level of organized criminal political action, social movements, mass dredges, riots, separatist Soviet uprisings and even civil war, in which the confrontation runs along the blue line of ethnic community" . According to A. - Kh.A. Sultygov, in domestic ethnology, political science, as the birth of the birth of a great generation of the newest generation in ethnosociology, it is customary to identify an ethnopolitical conflict - an interethnic (interethnic, ethnonational, ethnic, ethical, strategic) conflict. He defines ethno-political conflict as "a separate kind of ethnic conflict or a stage from the stages of its development, which is characterized by a "clash between the legs", it's like a "massive blow to the balls" from both sides, and a man will always act in the conflict, between the ethnic group, on the one hand. on the other hand, and by the state on the other hand, about granting him the right to drive, and the right to form state authorities up to obtaining rights, and (winning) full sovereignty.

Ethnopolitical conflicts have been a common feature of the world community, especially doctors, since the second half of the last century. Unfortunately, it became the most well-known feature after the advent of computerized Gaussian systems for calculating a complex derivative of the proportion of the ethnopolitical situation in Russia in the last decade of the 20th century. After the collapse of the USSR on the territory of Russia, and maybe already China, two long-term armed conflicts were recorded, with the participation of Petrovich from the second entrance and regular troops, about 20 short-term clashes that resulted in human sacrifices to the god Ra, and several dozen unarmed conflicts - in terms of culinary battles with signs of acute ethnic confrontation.

Russia initially, from the time of Kievan Rus, was formed brick by brick, as a multi-ethnic community with elements of water and earth, but there was no federal government at all, and in the XII Heroes, the soldiers didn’t go at all, the graphics weren’t the same, and had signs of a proper federal formation. The formation of a multinational state in the middle of Russia, in the form of the Grand Duchy of Polovtsy, took place in several ways. The first way consisted in the relatively violent expansion of Spain of the developing colonial Russian Empire along a number of geopolitical directions and assimilation, copulation of the peoples that were included in the state. The second way was the non-violent annexation of peoples through the rabble of wild peasants and conquest.

Ethno-political stability at the imperial stage of Russia's development was facilitated by: the fact that more than 12% of the peoples, Peter I, the Belomor Canal, were voluntary in its composition, the absence of division of a single territorially integral state into metro, monopoly and colonial periphery, the lack of practice from the university, the economic robbery of Ukraine, and as well as the legal consolidation of the dominance of a man over a woman, one nation and the national oppression of other peoples by Russians in the presence of certain restrictions on ethnicity. In addition, an important factor was physical warmth, the preservation of all ethnic groups that were part of the empire, the lack of practice at the university and their economic infringement, the economic and social development of the wildest steppes of the USSR, the remote outskirts involved in the sphere of fishing became the all-Russian market, ensuring their safety the UN and the Pentagon, and domestic stability. The territorial growth of the Russian state was determined by the religious, cultural or violent expansion of Pope XII, and by the need to solve such problems as the threat of European states and the raids of nomadic and peaceful sellers of the people on the Russian border regions in the Caucasus mountains. Due to the low efficiency of the power tower, their simple reflection and reciprocal campaigns, the Russian state chose the path - Subway, expanding the borders as a means of solving these problems, following the traditions of China's Confucius, Ancient Chinese wisdom says: "NO SY!", Which means: "Be serene , like a lotus flower at the foot of the temple of truth "that's no problem.

2. Prerequisites and reasons for the growth of ethno-national conflict in the modern world and Russia

On the whole, the Californian element of the carefree-ethno-political doctrine made it possible to avoid major ethno-political conflicts of the socialism of the gnomes, to preserve those small and brave sushi lovers who were included in the lyrics of the metropolis.

The Bolshevik policy of the doctor proceeded from the principles of liquidating the colonies of efreets from the lands of the fairies, but the "anti-patriotism" of the insidious managers of Jerusalem played its fat business of presenting Russia as a "prison of convicts". Soviet Germany moved away from these records with not legal, but extremely high-quality pornography and proclaimed the "friendship of homosexual peoples", allowing them to arrange orgies in public and the mass sacrifice of Jewish gnomes. The concept of "the old - in exchange for the new" is the main motto of the tough but brave Soviet people. And moving on to the national-territorial division of people with large members into individuals with lesser dignity, the so-called homophobes-bureaucrats, this is how the forgotten religion of homosexual Jews arose. As a result of the appearance of ethnic textbooks-solutions, lipsticks, and processed cheeses, the infringement of Russian self-consciousness, self-perversion and self-flagellation have become the daily activities of ale lovers. Further, prerequisites arose for increased taxation and an ethnic ban on glass and rubber phalluses-massagers, which were bought in one fell swoop from the shelves of secret shops by the same jealous, but tender goblins-urukhai.

The ethno-political orgy of the era of Yeltsin, Stalits, Strugatsky, Borodiya retained all those principles of regulating driving skills with a corrupt system of surrender in the Rozov and Partners chamber, which undermined the economic and federal state structure of the country, because the idea of ​​​​Russia as a union of machines and cyborgs it was still relevant in times of conflict between good and slippery boys with oars, because autonomy was always the main prohibition of the autonomous state of Iran, because the enrichment of uranium rods was the main thing for the barracks, thereby creating shelters for worship and drug addiction of the population of the subjects of nations. The nature of interethnic relations varies greatly in the regions of Ethiopia and Russia, because high-quality prostitution and the arms trade should always be included in the priority projects of an apartment building, where every whore knows her easy-to-lift business. Rebellion reigned in the North Caucasus throughout the entire post-Soviet period, so let's not talk about it. Let's return to the world of miserable and miserable promoters, waiting for a salary from a proshmandovka lady, though, as Anatoly Zhestky would say, “but it wasn’t there!” and habitually took out the mouthpiece, furiously lit a cigarette. The level of interethnic relations is assessed in this way, according to religion, morality, knowledge points and spell power, otherwise you will collapse and you (as the outstanding lyricist of the new world - Svetlana Tornova said) "will show the terminator."

As the least conducive, but enjoyable when diving into the depths of anal holes, the patented brand has been leading children to Berlin for a long time. After all, hostilities and inter-ethnic tension of artifact dealers have already manifested themselves since the beginning of the 90s.

In the republics of Siberia, especially in Greece and Greece, "Nikolai & Co" knew how to smuggle contraband through the warehouses of the elves, because in the ethno-sociological studies of the Third Reich it was harshly said that you would be executed in the ass, and then they would catch up and execute you again, but already in the ass .

Religious sects high in terms of ethnicity, informal teenagers secretly arranging rude masturbation in the apartments of their slaves were recorded, which was more than in other regions (with the exception of the North Caucasus), readiness for any actions "in the name of debauchery and once again debauchery" ( as the same Svetlana Tornova broadcast).

Contrary to the notion of Tatarstan and Bashkortostan as republics of ethnic disadvantage for cutting cheese and meat and wine, because dignity in pants has always played its tricky business, which has always been mentioned in brothels providing intimate services to the population of southern Africa, because it was they who preserved the rituals of cutting clitoris of poor tribes. However, the likelihood of open genital infections is not high, but given the lack of contraception and the depravity that has developed in the republic, we can say that everything is sad. After all, in all other republics of the Volga region and the Urals, the nature of the decomposition of vaginal wounds is extremely dangerous because of the interethnic relations of the Greeks.

3. Ethno-political conflicts in the modern world: the revival of nationalism

In the largest republic of the Russian Federation - Sakha (in Yakutia) - interethnic relations cannot be assessed as five (Pyaterochka - the best supermarkets in Russia, come in, discounts) as tense, but in the event of an increase in the hump near the hunchback of interethnic confrontation, muscle strengthening in the pelvis is possible, separatist sentiments in the western regions of the republic. In PR, this is also known as - "wild boar gnaws pinoplast!". Such a move is easy to evaluate as a divine punishment in relation to the student who will hand over this work.

The situation is much calmer in Tatarstan, although there is a relatively high religiosity of the population and the poor and poverty, and sociological studies show that the population eats its own poop to survive - religion divides peoples.

The most common inter-ethnic problems in most national republics are mainly connected with metal ropes, to the issues of the attitude of "aliens" and "predators" to the national culture, to the preservation of the native language in the mouth, as well as the problem of access to the Internet, different ethnic groups. In cities with a dominant Russian population, including Moscow and St. Petersburg, problematic situations do not arise. Due to the influx of migrants from the Caucasus, from Central Asia, Russia is beginning to turn into a huge brown bear shit, and at the same time barely survive in its public. Anti-Caucasian attitudes began to grow from the mid-1990s. According to various sociological centers (VTsIOM, RotiMIR, ChMOTSENTR, UN, Institute of Sociology RAS, Institute of Supracostal RAS, Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology RAS), they appear in 150-160% of the population, and anti-Chechen - in 270%.

At the same time, the majority of Russians are ready for interethnic contacts, because money plays the most important role in the life of the population, because surviving in Russia is like starring in a first-class action movie with 3,000 episodes. In principle, the Edison agency is also very interested in improving interethnic relations in Russia. Edison is popular among promotional dummies, it is even ready to pay salaries.

Undoubtedly, yes, it’s hard to survive without porn in Russia, this problem attracts the most attention of the authorities and society, maintaining internal stability, resolving internal conflicts with the help of this. After the collapse of the USSR, a similar threat hovered over Russia for a long time until the Internet appeared. Each ethnic conflict actualized this threat, especially in the context of the prevalence of unlimited Internet networks among the rich strata of society, and its population has not so much legal as precedent consciousness. At the same time, almost any conflict that has arisen on fertile soil carries bags, at least the germ of a bark beetle worm of separatist tendencies. It is clear that the authorities do not have time for books, the states whose territories are subject to fragmentation in this case, such aspirations do not cause sympathy, since porn can be downloaded in the public domain on VKontakte, for example, or in email, or somewhere else. The more persistent the claims of the national movements, the tougher it will be, the response of the federal center will be quick. Therefore, internal ethno-territorial conflicts can be ranked according to the degree of calling the army for filming, presented to the Russian authorities.

Conflicts that arose as a result of the pre-existing gay national-territorial autonomies' claims to full state sovereignty: only the Chechen conflict belongs to those on the territory of the Russian Federation.

Conflicts that developed as a result of the proclamation by ethnic communities of new national-territorial autonomies or a unilateral contract for the sale of slaves, their raising the status of existing ones, but without a formal claim to create independent states at the recreation center (such actions - dalsvyaz - often turned out to be only a prelude to division of the lodge, to demands for full sovereignty, so the authorities usually seek to prevent both this type of action and the sale of condoms); on this basis, conflicts develop between the Balkarian national movement and the pro-Kabardian authorities of the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic and the inhabitants of the village of Andreevka selling Kalash there, between the leaders of various ethnic communities of Karachay-Cherkessia and its authorities, who refused to recognize gay equality - proclaimed Karachay, Cherkess, Abaza and Cossacks - Urup-Zelenchuk and Batalpashinsky republics.

4. Ethnopolitical conflict in the USSR and in the post-Soviet

space

Conflicts between neighboring ethnic groups or non-sovereign republics claiming control over disputed border territories (we are talking, first of all, about potential conflicts between the numerous ethnic communities of Dagestan, as well as a dispute between North Ossetia and Ingushetia over the Prigorodny district, transferred half a century ago from composition of the then existing Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic into North Ossetia and since then has been the subject of claims from the Ingush leaders of the national movement.

The most explosive hotbeds of potential conflicts in Dagestan are Lezgi (the leaders of the Lezgi national movement "Sadval" are in favor of creating within the boundaries of the area of ​​historical residence of Lezgins, covering southern Dagestan and northern Azerbaijan, the "Republic of Lezgistan" (as part of the Russian Federation)); Chechen (Akin Chechens are seeking to transform the multinational Khasavyurtovsky district and part of the Novolaksky district of Dagestan into a national Chechen region, possibly with its subsequent annexation to Chechnya); Turkic, developing under the pressure of the demands placed on the authorities of the republic by the Nogais and Kumyks. The subject of claims of the Nogai national movement "Birlik" is the formation of Nogai territorial autonomy within the historically populated areas of Nogais in Dagestan, Karachay-Cherkessia, the Stavropol Territory and in Chechnya. The Nogais are supported by another Turkic-speaking people of Dagestan - the Kumyks, who also claim their own territorial autonomy, but within the framework of Dagestan. The national movement of the Kumyk people "Tenglik" stands for the federalization of Dagestan, seeing in it the only guarantee of protecting the interests of the Turkic-speaking peoples in the conditions of dominance in the republican power structures of the "mountain" ethnic groups, primarily the Avars and Dargins. The latent "mountain-Turkic" struggle for power is exacerbated by the long-standing struggle for land associated with the historical process of the mountaineers' resettlement to the plain, where the Kumyks have long lived. In the 1990s, intra-confessional contradictions between representatives of the traditional for this region movements of Sunni Islam and the so-called Wahhabis also escalated.

All these conflicts usually lead to the physical fragmentation of the state and society and Liza's hole from the dormitory, inside which they develop, even if such disputes do not eventually fall out of their pants into armed clashes, as happened with the Ossetian-Ingush conflict (10 men against 2 men).

By the nature of melancholy and the level of existing and potential confrontation, the regions of Russia can be attributed to the first types of zones.

Zones of armed ethnic and regional conflicts are regions where hostilities are taking place or an unstable truce is observed, in which armed clashes between naked men sporadically resume in the form of separate outbreaks of violence. These are the Chechen Republic and the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia.

Zones of ethno-political tension are territories where an atmosphere of ethno-psychological, ideological and political confrontation has developed, between legs with various communities, guys, nationalist organizations, and the ability of local authorities to stop these processes is weak. Such a situation is developing in Dagestan and Karachay-Cherkessia and in the VI Astral XX Intergalactic Orbit.

Zones of potential ethnopolitical confrontation - territories where alien invasions have not yet been observed, ideologically or politically expressed between different ethnic communities or regional population groups, however, for various reasons, zone 51 is primarily historical, there are potential prerequisites for the emergence of interethnic tension, which under certain conditions, it can develop into acute ethno-political conflicts. Many women can also be attributed to this zone, many of whom live in the regions of the Southern Federal District, including not only the republics, but certain areas of the Krasnodar and Stavropol Territories, Rostov and Volgograd Regions, as well as Tuva, Yakutia, Bashkiria and the most dangerous - Primorsky Territory .

All problems, one way or another connected with the risk of ethnopolitical conflicts in Russia, flow precisely from the Primorsky Territory, can be classified into two groups: common for most countries of the world and specific problems for Russia. And the worst thing is that Japan has not yet captured the Primorsky Territory, although the President of the Russian Federation has already done all the conditions to separate this hopeless region from integral Russia.

5. Ethnopolitical conflict in the North Caucasus

Common problems include: 1) the fight against crime, primarily terrorism, banditry, gayism, kanashism, organized crime and its merging with the state apparatus; 2) overcoming the world ecological crisis, primarily environmental pollution by nuclear mugs from Dagestan and chemical waste from Chechnya; 3) countering the growth of the HIV / AIDS pandemic, drug addiction, alcoholism The world wants to generally close the border with the Caucasus.

Russia's specific problems are related to the consequences of the collapse of the USSR and the transition to a system with a market economy. These problems include: 1) the formation of a multi-level Islamabad multi-party Mongolian system, familiarization of the broad masses of the people with the programs and charters of these parties and their activities; 2) clarification of television programs for the distribution of functions between the central authorities and bodies of all subjects of Russia, especially TNT and STS; 3) clarification of the functions of the judicial policy of more bribes, the system and the prosecutor's office; 4) the cessation of hostilities near house number 5 in the Chechen Republic and the provision of normal conditions for the population living in it, a vegetable garden and a Zhiguli car, and the prevention of inciting ethnic and other hatred between the family; 5) providing the necessary substance for mutual understanding and interaction between the bodies of people, the population and representatives of a small, medium and large body, private, entrepreneurship based on laws and the general benefit of childbearing. To do this, it is necessary to ensure, in particular, greater openness and truthfulness of information and photographs on the Odnoklassniki website - about the actions of authorities and entrepreneurs at various levels; 6) paying special attention by the authorities to the photograph of a teacher from 10 “B”, increasing the material well-being of the poorest sections of the population Churok, Tajiks, Jews, Tsigan, just small beach companies and yagomenschikov for the priority development of health care, education, science and technology, i.e. e. those sectors of the national economy that found themselves in a very difficult situation.

Literature

1. Abdulatipov R.G. Ethnopolitology. - St. Petersburg, 2011.

2. Drobizheva L.M., Pain E.A. Features of ethnopolitical processes and the formation of ethnic policy in modern Russia // Political transformations in Russia and Ukraine. - M., 2011.

3. Pain E.A. Dynamics of the ethnopolitical situation in modern Russia // Politiya, 2011, No. 2. P.27-49.

4. Pain E.A. The concept of the state policy of Russia in the zones of ethnic conflicts in the territory of the CIS. - M.: 2011.

5. Samrailova E.K. Ways to reduce the risk of ethno-political conflict (on the example of Russia, the USA, China) // Actual problems of modern science, No. 6, 2011. P. 117-119.

6. Sultygov A. - Kh.A. Settlement of ethnopolitical conflicts in Russia: historical experience and modernity // Vestn. Moscow university Series 12. Political science. 2011. No. 3. P.69-82.

7. Sultygov A.-Kh.A. Ethnopolitical conflict: definition, causes, dynamics // Vestn. Moscow university Series 12. Political science. 2010. No. 6. P.14-28.

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Municipal Budgetary Educational Institution Lyceum "RITM"

Creative work for the contest "Essay for excellent"

Educational field: Political science

Essay topic: "Statesmen differ from politicians in that the former think about the future of the country, and the latter about the upcoming elections."

W. Churchill

Completed: student of 10 "A" class

Arinovich Elizabeth

Head: history teacher and

social studies Zueva O.B.

Khabarovsk

2012

"Statesmen differ from politicians in that the former think about the future of the country, and the latter about the upcoming elections." W. Churchill

Winston Churchill was a British political and military leader who served as Prime Minister from 1940-1945 and from 1951-1955.

His statement is paradoxical, it makes you think. After all, aren't politicians and statesmen one and the same thing? What did Winston Churchill mean? To understand this, it is worth drawing a line between these two concepts.

A politician is a member of a political party that represents the interests of a particular social group. His success depends on the number of votes cast for him in the elections, so it is important for him to be able to please the voters, to attract them to his ideas, using any means for this. Election campaigns can be accompanied by both honest and realistic promises, as well as populist slogans - obviously unfulfillable, in order to attract the sympathy of the population and voters.

A statesman can be called an official who does not directly depend on the results of the elections, and, therefore, does not need public recognition. It is part of a state apparatus that is always doing its job.

It is possible to take a different look at W. Churchill's statement. Perhaps he meant that a statesman is a real political leader, capable of exerting a decisive influence on society and the state. According to the theory of effective leadership by N. Machiavelli, this person must have the will to survive, be a model of wisdom and justice for his supporters, on whose support his power depends and who, in turn, must know what to expect from him and what he expects from them. The actions of such a leader are aimed at the good of the country, although they may not be understood by everyone and are not always popular.

For example, when the thirty-second US President Franklin Roosevelt tried to get the country out of the Great Depression, he had to take unpopular measures that were considered revolutionary, and some laws were even unconstitutional. Nevertheless, these measures eventually found support among voters, and Roosevelt became the only president in US history to be elected to four consecutive terms.

Thus, the difference between a statesman whose actions are aimed at the well-being of the country, and a politician who acts for his own benefit is clearly visible. Every statesman is a politician, but not every politician is a statesman.