When a person switched to a sedentary lifestyle. How to understand the expression "settled way of life. Birth Rate Changes

The beginning of the evolution of Eurasian ancient civilizations

Ten millennia ago, people led an appropriating economy: they took (appropriated) the necessary things for life directly from nature - they were engaged in hunting, fishing, gathering wild plants.

Small groups of hunter-gatherers changed habitat, so there were few permanent settlements in the prehistoric era. Such a way of life excluded the possibility of accumulating property, and therefore it is impossible to talk about property relations (property is the relationship between people about the conditions of production and the results of their productive use; property is the appropriation of an economic good by some with the exception of others). Indeed, people treated the results of hunting as prey, and it did not become their property. The territory was also not fixed, because with the depletion of the necessary resources, the group left it. Even if a plot of the forest was later assigned to the family, it did not become her property. The family simply had to track potential prey in the forest.

Hunting and war significantly influenced the distribution of power relations within the community of ancient people. A successful hunt requires a leader who possesses the special qualities of an experienced hunter and a brave warrior. For these qualities, a person was respected and his word and opinion became obligatory for relatives (it became an authoritative decision). However, the leader was chosen by the hunter-gatherers and his status was not heritable.

The distribution of the extracted took place in accordance with the traditions. For example, a hunter, whose arrow overtook an animal first, received half the skin, whose arrow overtook the second - part of the entrails, etc.

If the men were engaged in hunting, then the women were engaged in gathering. There is a gender and age (natural) division of labor. It should be emphasized that the skills of hunting and war, as well as the tools of hunting and war, did not differ from each other, i.e. these types of activity were not yet differentiated, they existed together (syncretically). Wars did not yet have an economic background (after all, the accumulation of property was not yet known) and were fought for the redistribution of territory, due to blood feud, for the abduction of women, the protection of territory, i.e. were not economically attractive, since foreign production was not yet the goal.

The transition to settled life and the formation of centralized empires

By the 3rd millennium BC. there is a transition to a productive economy through the development of slash-and-burn agriculture, which still left the possibility of migration. In fact, the development of the simplest technologies and an attempt to put the forces of nature at the service of man led to settled life. This transition to settled life was the essence of the Neolithic (agricultural) revolution, which involved the growth and improvement of plant and animal resources available to man.

Beyond the 3rd millennium BC human communities were forced to move on to the cultivation of the same plot of land, because. this resource is limited. This is how the settled way of life arose, and with it the agrarian civilization. Naturally, agrarian civilizations were formed in river valleys (they were also called river civilizations). It should be said that the spread of agrarian civilization falls on the period from 3000 BC. by 1500 c. AD This is the period of formation and development of empires and eastern kingdoms (agrarian states) in the Ancient East and America and feudalism in Europe.

Let us dwell on the following question: what is the significance of the system of withdrawals of surplus product for the formation of the type of economic system, because one system of withdrawals contributed to the growth of the power of agrarian states, the other to the flourishing of feudalism.

Settlement and centralization of withdrawals are the conditions for the formation of agrarian states.

Since land is the main and common factor of production for settled peoples, people need to know the boundaries of cultivated areas, what part of the crop they can claim, how the land is assigned to the user, inherited, etc. So there were land relations, which influenced the social and then property differentiation of the ancient sedentary communities and the emergence of power relations as a result. In its origins, power relations (order-subordination relations) are built around knowledge about agricultural production and the carriers of this knowledge: knowledge about the beginning and end of agricultural work, their sequence, etc. This information was presented in religious rites. It is no coincidence that the first ruling elites were the religious elites. And the first temples were located in river valleys. In accordance with the rite, the community members cultivated the land of the temple, the harvest from which provided for the needs of the clergy. That's how it came about temple economy - a set of economic activities related to the needs of the temple and its servants.

The second privileged group is the chiefs of the tribes. They ruled according to traditional norms. Such norms also included gifts to the leader, which constituted a fund for the performance of public functions: protection, ransom. Over time, the leaders began to strive to make donations regular, for which they had to resort to violence, but then donations turned into taxes.

With the development of the settled way of life, a third privileged group appears - the bureaucratic apparatus. The fact is that agriculture needs water. And farmers are forced to build their relationships not only about land, but also about water too: creating an irrigation (or drainage) system - building irrigation facilities and its subsequent distribution over the fields. For this, in turn, a special management apparatus is needed, which organizes the construction of facilities and control of water use. This is how centralization appears in the use of the most important resource - water, and at the same time - irrigated agriculture (Sumers, Egypt). The bureaucracy - the water and construction bureaucracy - specialized in the organization of construction, the operation of irrigation facilities and the withdrawal of surplus product. The usual and widespread method of seizure is violence, and this is already a transition from the temple economy to the ancient kingdoms, in which the most authoritative or strong headed the bureaucracy. Such economic and political systems are often called agrarian states. So settled way of life determined the power differentiation of the population.

Since the centralization of violence on the part of the bureaucracy took place early in the agrarian states, the relations between the bureaucracy and the population, and not the servant-master, which also exist, but they are secondary, turned out to be the main ones in the interaction of strata of society.

The stability of the withdrawals of the surplus product makes the agrarian state stable and prosperous, since the apparatus wants not only today, but also tomorrow to withdraw the product from its subjects, i.e. there were objective restrictions on withdrawals. At the same time, in the agrarian states, traditions of distributing the seized were taking shape. So, for example, in ancient India, half of the income should have been spent on the army, a twelfth on gifts and salaries of officials, a twentieth on the personal expenses of the emperor (sultan), and a sixth should have been reserved. Withdrawals gradually took the form of a head tax, then - a land tax.

In the ancient kingdoms, property inequality increased between the main part of the population and the elites, which actively used violence to seize part of the peasant product not only into the bins of the central government, but also into their own. Gradually, violence - robbery - spread to a foreign population, and raids with the aim of seizing someone else's product became the rule.

The stratified society of agrarian states differed in territorial distribution. The bulk of the population lived in rural areas, where they were engaged in agricultural labor. The ruling elite - the emperor, his retinue, the main part of the bureaucracy, the religious elite lived in cities, from where the “tax web” stretched to the village. Therefore, the city for the peasant remained an alien formation.

Constant, systematic withdrawals of the surplus product gave rise to the need for accounting: the tax base must be taken into account, taxes must be calculated. This was a significant incentive for the development of writing and the spread of literacy, primarily among the bureaucracy.

Agrarian states were formed, as a rule, by conquering sedentary peoples by militant strangers (Persians, Lombards, etc.). If the intentions of the conquerors to stay in the conquered territory were long-term, they were forced to form a special apparatus to control the conquered population, collect tribute, taxes and other withdrawals, i.e. to restore the destroyed system of constant withdrawals of the surplus product.

Now we can formulate the most characteristic features of the centralized empires of antiquity:

the presence of a minority that specializes in violence;

stratification of society into groups (stratified society);

Formed apparatus (bureaucracy) for collecting tribute and taxes (later - taxes);

spread of writing.

The urgency of the problem of the transition of nomadic peoples to settled life is due to the tasks put forward by life, on the solution of which further progress in the social development of the country, where the nomadic way of life still exists, largely depends.

This problem has repeatedly attracted the attention of ethnographers, economists, historians, philosophers and other researchers.

Since the 1950s, international organizations - the UN, the ILO. FAO, UNESCO, as well as progressive scientists from many countries began to study the situation of modern nomads and look for ways to improve it.

Soviet scientists have made a great contribution to the development of issues related to the history, culture, economy and life of nomads from the Marxist-Leninist positions. The history of nomadic life, features of the culture and life of nomads, patterns and prospects for the development of their economy and culture, ways to solve the problem of settling - all this was covered in the works of S. M. Abramzon, S. I. Vainshtein, G. F. Dakhshleiger, T. A. Zhdanko, S. I. Ilyasova, L. P. Lashuk, G. E. Markov, P. V. Pogorelsky, L. P. Potapova, S. E. Tolybekova, A. M. Khazanova, N. N. Cheboksarov and others.

As early as the Neolithic period, in a number of regions of Eurasia, a complex settled productive agricultural and cattle-breeding economy arose. At the end of II - beginning of I millennium BC. e. at its base in some mountain-steppe regions, there was a transition of individual tribes to nomadic pastoralism.

G. E. Markov and S. I. Weinstein believe that the transition to nomadic life was caused by landscape and climatic changes, the development of the productive forces of society, socio-economic characteristics, political and cultural conditions.

Before the victory of the Mongolian People's Revolution, the Mongols were typical nomads. They adapted to their extensive nomadic economy and depended on it for their family and household way of life, mores, and customs. However, nomadic peoples have never been isolated throughout their entire historical development. They were in close economic and cultural contacts with neighboring settled tribes. Moreover, as K. Marx noted, in the same ethnos there was a certain “general relationship between the settled way of life of one part ... and the continuing nomadism of the other part. The process of settling of Mongolian nomads was observed in all historical epochs either as a mass phenomenon or as a departure from the nomadic clans of certain groups of the population who began to engage in agriculture. This process is also noted among other nomads of Eurasia.

Mass transition to a sedentary way of life can go in two ways. The first is the forcible displacement of nomads and semi-nomads from the pasture territories they have mastered, while maintaining private ownership of the means of production and deepening property inequality, legal and de facto national discrimination. This is how the process proceeds in the capitalist countries. The second way - voluntary settlement - is possible with the establishment of national and social equality, a developed economy, with purposeful material and ideological assistance from the state. There is also a need for the psychological readiness of the masses for the transition to a settled way of life, their active participation in the destruction of archaic forms of property and economy. This path is characteristic of the socialist countries.

The victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution opened such a path for the previously nomadic peoples of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tuva. Simultaneously with the voluntary cooperation of individual farms, the problem of the transition of nomads to a settled way of life was solved.

As a result of the victory of the people's revolution, favorable economic and ideological conditions were created for solving the problem of subsidence in Mongolia as well. The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party outlined a real program for the gradual and systematic implementation of the transition to settled life within a certain period. The first stage of its implementation was the cooperation of individual arat farms. By the end of the 1950s, certain successes had been achieved in the development of the economy, social relations, and culture, and the standard of living of the working people was new. Thanks to the disinterested help of the fraternal socialist countries, especially the Soviet Union, the Mongolian People's Republic began to complete the construction of the material and technical base of socialism. At this time, the transition of livestock breeders to a settled way of life began. The advancement of this task is a natural and objective phenomenon in the process of the country's progressive development. Its solution is of great theoretical and practical importance, since the experience of Mongolia can be used by other countries where nomadic and semi-nomadic animal husbandry is still preserved.

The well-known Mongolian scientist N. Zhagvaral writes that the transfer of hundreds of thousands of arat farms to settled life is not an end in itself. The solution of this problem will make it possible to more widely introduce mechanization into agriculture, the achievements of science and advanced experience, to sharply increase the production of products, strengthen agricultural associations (hereinafter referred to as agricultural associations) and, on this basis, raise the material standard of living of arats.

The Soviet scientist V. V. Graivoronsky traces two main ways of settling nomads in the MPR. The first provides for the transition from traditional forms of economic activity, in particular nomadic animal husbandry or reindeer herding, to new ones - agriculture, work in industry, construction, transport, etc. This path usually requires a relatively short time. The second way is based on the transformation, modernization and intensification of nomadic animal husbandry while maintaining the traditional type of economy.

At present, more than 50% of arats in the Mongolian People's Republic have a pasture-nomadic way of life. Mongolian researchers define the concept of "nomadism" in different ways.

Soviet and Mongolian scientists were engaged in the typology of the Mongolian nomads. So, A. D. Simukov singled out the following six types: Khangai, steppe, Western Mongolian, Ubur-Khangai, Eastern and Gobi. N. I. Denisov believed that, in accordance with the traditional division of the country into the Khangai, steppe and Gobi zones, there are only three types of migrations. However, if A. D. Simukov, in his too fractional classification, attributed the usual change of pastures, characteristic of limited areas, to nomads, then N. I. Denisov did not take into account the specifics of nomads in the steppes of Eastern Mongolia. Based on a thorough study of the characteristics and traditions of the Mongolian economy, its natural conditions, and the change of pastures in various parts of the country, N. Zhagvaral came to the conclusion that there are five types of nomads: Khentei, Khangai, Gobi, Western and Eastern.

The migrations of the Mongolian arats, the methods of cattle breeding - all this characterizes the features of the cattle breeding economy. The entire material culture of pastoralists, by virtue of tradition, is adapted to nomadism. However, since arats roam in small groups consisting of several families, such a way of life makes it difficult for them to introduce price elements of culture into their yere and form socialist features in the life of members of the agricultural association.

At the same time, migrations also play a positive role, since they make it possible to graze cattle on pastures all year round and, with a relatively small labor input, obtain significant products. Both of these opposing tendencies are constantly at work in the transition of pastoralists to a settled way of life.

Change of camps during roaming in the Khangai zone is called nutag selgeh (selgegu) (lit. "to move aside"), in the steppe - tosh (tobšigu) (lit. "to change camp"). These names and the corresponding ways of roaming have survived to this day.

Three main types of migrations are known in the USSR: 1) meridional (from north to south and vice versa); 2) vertical (from valleys to mountains, to alpine meadows); 3) around pastures and water sources (in semi-desert and desert regions).

For typology of nomads in the Mongolian People's Republic, as well as in other regions of the globe, in addition to geographical conditions, it is important to take into account the ways of nomadism and equipping arats, their way of life, and the geographical location of enterprises for processing agricultural raw materials.

As field studies show, the direction of pastoral migrations in certain regions of the Mongolian People's Republic depends on the location of mountains and springs, soil characteristics, precipitation, air temperature, meteorological conditions and grass stand. In each locality, certain directions of nomadism prevail.

The most typical for the Mongols are migrations from the northeast to the southwest or from the northwest to the southeast, that is, in the meridional direction; These are nomads of the Khangai or mixed zone, most pastoralists of the steppe zone graze their cattle in the Khangai zone in summer, and in the steppe zone in winter.

In the steppes of Eastern Mongolia, in the basin of the Great Lakes, in the region of the Mongolian Altai, the population roams from west to east, that is, in a latitudinal direction.

The classical form of Mongolian migrations, depending on their length, is divided into two types: close and distant. In the mountainous and forest-steppe zone (Khangai, for example) they roam at close range, in the valley of the Big Lakes migrations are relatively distant; they are even longer in the Gobi zone. Agricultural areas in the Mongolian People's Republic are distributed over five belts: about 60 are assigned to the high-mountain zone, more than 40 to the forest-steppe zone, 60 to the steppe zones, 40 to the Great Lakes basin, about 40 to the Gobi zone. In total, there are 259 agricultural enterprises and 45 state farms in the country. On average, one agricultural enterprise now accounts for 452 thousand hectares of land and 69 thousand heads of social livestock, and for one livestock and agricultural state farm - 11 thousand hectares of sown area and 36 thousand heads of livestock.

In addition to the classical migrations mentioned above, in the agricultural associations of all five belts, lightweight migrations are also used, which makes it possible to switch to a semi-sedentary way of life.

About 190 agricultural organizations already make only short and ultra-short migrations. Approximately 60 agricultural organizations roam over long and ultra-long distances.

Analyzing the movements of members of the association in Khangai and Khentei for four seasons, we found that in the mountainous regions, livestock breeders roam twice a year at distances of 3-5 km. Such migrations are characteristic of a semi-sedentary way of life. In some steppe and Gobi regions, a 10 km migration is considered close. In the Eastern steppe, in the basin of the Great Lakes, in the Gobi belt, they sometimes wander over long distances of 100-300 km. This form of nomadism is inherent in 60 agricultural organizations.

In order to determine the nature of modern migrations, we divided the livestock breeders - members of the agricultural associations into two main groups: cattle breeders and small cattle breeders. Below is a summary of some of the data collected during field research in the Eastern and Ara-Khangai aimaks.

Livestock breeders who breed small cattle are united in groups of several people and quite often change their campsites, since their flocks are much more numerous than herds of cattle. For example, a shepherd of the first brigade from the Tsagan-Obo somon of the Eastern aimag Ayuush, 54 years old, together with his wife and son are responsible for grazing more than 1,800 sheep. He changes pastures 11 times a year, while transporting cattle pens with him, and 10 times he goes to the pasture. The total length of its wanderings is 142 km; it stays at one stop from 5 to 60 days.

Another example of the organization of nomadic livestock breeders in the east of the country can be sur R. Tsagandamdin. R. Tsagandamdin grazes sheep, making a total of 21 migrations a year, 10 of them he makes with his whole family, housing and property, and 11 times he goes alone with cattle. Already these examples show that at present there have been changes in the nature of migrations. If earlier livestock breeders roamed all year round with their families, with housing and farming, now about half of the migrations a year are for transhumance.

In Khangai, nomadic pastoralists grazing cattle stand out. Khangai pastoralists are currently moving to a semi-nomadic way of life, which is manifested in the organization of livestock surai and farms, the nature and form of rural-type settlements. Thus, the workers of the farms of the Ikh-Tamir somon put their yurts in one place in the summer.

Although nomadic pastoralists engaged in cattle breeding have many features in common, they also have their own characteristics in different areas. For comparison with the above-mentioned farms of the Ikh-Tamir somon of the Ara-Khangai aimag, one can take the nomadic pastoralists engaged in cattle breeding in the steppe zone of Eastern Mongolia. Based on a combination of the experience and methods of work of arat-pastoralists and the recommendations of specialists in the Tsagam-Obo somon of the Eastern aimag, a schedule of nomadic pastoralists was drawn up, who change pastures depending on the weather.

The appearance of electricity on winter roads, the construction of household and cultural facilities, residential buildings - all this convincingly indicates that fundamental changes have taken place in the life of arats and stationary points have arisen around which nomads settle. The transition to a settled way of life, in particular, can already be observed on the example of 11 cattle breeding farms of the “Galuut” agricultural enterprise in the Tsagan-Obo somon of the Eastern aimag. These farms during the year make only two small migrations (2-8 km) between winter roads located in the areas of Javkhlant, Salkhit and Elst, and summer pastures in the valley of the river. Bayan-goal.

In places where individual livestock surns and farms are located, red corners, nurseries and kindergartens, cultural and community facilities are being built together, which gives the arats the opportunity to spend their leisure time culturally, and also helps to overcome their traditional disunity. When creating such cultural and community centers, the prospects for their development are taken into account: the presence of nearby pens for livestock, water sources, the possibility of harvesting hay and fodder, and the features of various types of economic activities that the inhabitants of this area are engaged in. Be sure to select the most densely populated places (winter roads, summer camps) and accurately determine the wintering sites, as well as the duration of the camps of nomads. Similar processes were noted by K. A. Akishev on the territory of Kazakhstan.

In this regard, there is no need for migrations over long distances. The main natural factor that determined the emergence of nomadic pastoralism as a specific form of economy and permanent migration routes is the frequency of cattle consumption of sparse vegetation, unevenly distributed over vast expanses of steppes, semi-deserts and deserts, and the seasonal alternation of grass stand. In accordance with the state of grass stand in one or another area, as well as the season, the nomad is forced to periodically change campsites, move from already depleted pastures to still unused... Therefore, arats, along with their families and herds, were forced to constantly move throughout the year.

So, we can conclude that the direction of migrations depended primarily on the natural features of the area, and then on its socio-economic development. The directions of migrations in the mountain-forest regions with rich vegetation and good pastures can be traced more clearly in comparison with migrations in the steppe and desert zones.

The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party and the government of the MPR pay great attention to strengthening the material base of agriculture in order to intensify agricultural production. First of all, this is the strengthening of the fodder base, the harvesting of hay and the irrigation of pastures.

During the years of the fifth five-year plan, the state invested 1.4 times more funds in strengthening the material and technical base of agriculture than in the previous five-year plan. A large biological plant, 7 state farms, 10 mechanized dairy farms, 16.6 thousand livestock buildings for 7.1 million small and 0.6 million head of cattle were built and put into operation. 7,000 drinking points were also built for additional watering of more than 14 million hectares of pastures, and 3 large and 44 small engineering-type irrigation systems were erected in a number of aimags.

With the complete victory of socialist production relations in the agriculture of the Mongolian People's Republic, the material well-being and cultural level of the members of the agricultural association began to grow rapidly. This is facilitated by the continuous process of transition to settled life. Since the beginning in the 1960s, this process has become more intense, which is associated with the spread of the transhumance method of animal husbandry. At the same time, the search for ways to transfer all livestock breeders to settled life began. This takes into account that the nomads are forced to adapt to the settled population.

Until 1959, the transition to settled life took place in an unorganized manner. In December 1959, the IV Plenum of the Central Committee of the MPRP took place, which determined the tasks of further organizational and economic strengthening of the Agricultural Organization. At present, the process of settling implies, on the one hand, the transition of livestock breeders to a settled way of life, and on the other, the development of a settled way of animal husbandry.

The nature of the process of subsidence varies depending on the stages of the socialist transformation of agriculture. It includes such interconnected and interdependent moments as staying in one place, “light” type migration, using pastures as the main forage base and driving away livestock.

Differences in the degree and pace of the process of settlement of pastoralists in different regions of the country are manifested, firstly, in the equipment of settled settlements with points of cultural and consumer services; secondly, in the appearance, along with the central points of settlement - the farmsteads of agricultural organizations - the beginnings of the transition to settled life in the places where livestock farms and sureys are located. Both factors are determined by the organizational and financial capabilities of agricultural organizations.

In most agricultural enterprises of the country, livestock breeding is currently combined with agriculture, as a result of which a new type of economy has arisen. The Party and the government are striving to develop the local industry based on the processing of agricultural, livestock and poultry products. In this regard, in recent years there has been an increase in the specialization of animal husbandry and the emergence of industries designed for its sustainable development.

The majority of agricultural enterprises and state farms are faced with such important issues as the specialization of the main production, the development of those of its branches that best correspond to the specific economic conditions of the given zone, and the creation of a solid and stable foundation for their further development. The right choice and development of the most profitable branches of the economy will help solve the problem of settled life on the basis of the current level of economic and cultural development of society.

In each agricultural organization there are main and auxiliary branches of the economy. In order to choose the most profitable of them, further increase the efficiency of production and specialize it, it is necessary:

1. to provide conditions under which all industries would correspond to the given natural and economic conditions;
2. direct agricultural organizations to the development of only the most suitable sectors of the economy;
3. streamline the species structure of the herd;
4. to develop animal husbandry in combination with agriculture;
5. clearly establish the direction of specialization of the economy;
6. to improve the basic techniques and methods of animal husbandry.

Pasture-nomadic cattle breeding in Mongolia successfully combines with distant pasture, a more progressive way of animal husbandry, which meets the new social conditions. The centuries-old folk experience and the data of modern science, complementing each other, contribute to the gradual and successful introduction of this method into the country's economy.

There is still no consensus on what transhumance is: some authors classify it as a sedentary type of economy; others consider it one of the varieties of nomadic animal husbandry; some believe that this is a new method of animal husbandry; a number of scientists claim that the distant method is based on the centuries-old experience of pastoralists, which is being creatively used at the present time. Transhumance animal husbandry creates favorable conditions for the transition of the population to settled life and provides opportunities for taking the first steps in this direction. Distillation is one of the old traditional progressive methods of animal husbandry, which allows, on the one hand, to facilitate the work of cattle breeders, and on the other hand, to get a good fattening of livestock. In the transition to a settled way of life, in principle, two development paths are possible: 1) the transition to the stall keeping of livestock and 2) improving the methods of using pastures as the main source of food. Depending on such factors as the natural and climatic conditions of a given area, the state of the fodder base of animal husbandry, the nature of the economy, traditions, the level of socio-economic development, for a certain period within the same state farm or agricultural association, various forms and nomadism can simultaneously exist, and settled way of life. During this period, nomadic, semi-nomadic, semi-sedentary and sedentary ways of life will be preserved to one degree or another.

Our observations and collected materials make it possible to identify differences in the way of life of pastoralists involved in the breeding of large and small cattle. The former are characterized by a semi-sedentary way of life, while the latter are dominated by a pasture-nomadic form of farming, combined with transhumance-pasture. Now most of the pastoralists of the Mongolian People's Republic are raising small cattle. They tend to combine "facilitated" migrations with transhumance grazing, which is becoming more and more common. “Lightweight” wanderings are one of the ways to transfer arats, members of the agricultural association, to settled life.

The central estates of state farms and agricultural enterprises are becoming more and more urbanized. These are administrative, economic and cultural centers in rural areas; their task is to provide for all the needs of the population that has switched to a settled way of life.

Considering that about 700,000 people currently live in the cities of the Mongolian People's Republic, it can be said that the way of life of Mongolian workers has changed radically; 47.5% of the population completely switched to a sedentary lifestyle. The process of transition of pastoralists to a sedentary way of life has acquired completely new features: the traditional material culture is enriched, new socialist forms of culture are spreading.

Electrical appliances (washing machines, vacuum cleaners, refrigerators, televisions, etc.) and various kinds of furniture made abroad, as well as yurts, all parts of which - a pole, walls, a haalga (door), a felt mat, are widely used in the household. industrial enterprises of the MPR.

The rural population uses, along with traditional furniture and household utensils, household items of industrial production, which improves the living conditions of arats, promotes the development of a culture that is socialist in content and national in form.

At present, the Mongols wear both national clothes made of wool and leather, as well as clothes of European cut. Modern fashion is spreading in the city.

Both in the city and in the countryside, food includes canned meat and fish sausages, various vegetables, industrial flour products produced by the food industry, the range of which is constantly increasing. The food industry of the Mongolian People's Republic produces various semi-finished and finished products, which facilitates women's domestic work. The urban and rural population is increasingly using bicycles, motorcycles, and cars. The introduction of urban culture into the life and life of arats leads to a further increase in the material well-being of the people.

Thus, the general trend in the development of the daily production and household life of pastoralists is to reduce the proportion of its specifically nomadic components and the growth of such elements of a culture of behavior that are more characteristic of a settled way of life, lead to it or are associated with it.

The process of pastoral settlement has a generally positive effect on the overall development of agriculture. When transferring agricultural workers to a settled way of life, it is necessary to take into account the division of the country into three zones - western, central and eastern, and each of them into three subzones - forest-steppe, steppe and Gobi (semi-desert). Only by taking into account these factors, it is possible to finally solve the problem of the transition to a settled way of life for members of agricultural organizations, which will lead to the complete elimination of the negative impact of nomadic specificity on life, the final familiarization of working pastoralists with the benefits and values ​​of a settled way of life.

CERTAIN FEATURES OF THE TRANSITION TO A SEDENTARY WAY OF LIFE IN THE MONGOLIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC

The paper deals with certain features characterizing the transition of nomads to a sedentary way of life in the Mongolian People’s Republic. The author distinguisher several types of nomadism according to geographical zones, with corresponding types of transition to sedentary life. He dwells upon both favorable and unfavorable features of nomadism and then shows how some of the former can be made use of in the development of modern animal husbandry.

The paper takes into consideration all those innovations in the life of sheep and cattle breeders that have accompanied the completion of co-operation and the intensive process of urbanization in the steps.

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* This article was written on the basis of a study by the author of the forms and features of the nomadic and settled life of the livestock breeders of the MPR. Materials were collected during 1967-1974.
T. A. Zhdanko. Some aspects of the study of nomadism at the present stage. Report at the VIII International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnographic Sciences. M., 1968, p. 2.
See: V.V. Graivoronsky. Transformation of the nomadic way of life in the Mongolian People's Republic. - "Peoples of Asia and Africa", 1972, No. 4; N. Zhagvaral. Aratstvo and aratskoe economy. Ulaanbaatar, 1974; W. Nyamdorzh. Philosophical and sociological patterns of the development of the settled way of life among the Mongols. - «Studia historical, t. IX, fast. 1-12, Ulaanbaatar, 1971; G. Batnasan. Some issues of nomadism and transition to a settled way of life of members of an agricultural association (on the example of Taryat Ara-Khangai somon, Uldziyt Bayan-Khongorsky somon and Dzun-Bayan-Ulan somon of Uver-Khangay aimaks). - «Studia ethnographical, t. 4, fast. 7-9, Ulaanbaatar, 1972 (in Mongolian).
T. A. Zhdanko. Decree. work., p. nine.
S. I. Vainshtein. Problems of the origin and formation of the economic and cultural type of nomadic pastoralists in the temperate zone of Eurasia. Report at the IX International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnographic Sciences. M., 1973, p. nine; G. E. Markov. Some problems of the emergence and early stages of nomadism in Asia. - “Sov. ethnography”, 1973, N° 1, p. 107; A. M. Khazanov. Characteristic features of the nomadic societies of the Eurasian steppes. Report at the IX International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnographic Sciences. M., 1973, p. 2.
G. E. Markov. Decree. work., p. 109-111; S. I. Vainshtein. Historical ethnography of the Tuvans. M., 1972, p. 57-77.
S. M. Abramzon. The influence of the transition to a settled way of life on the transformation of the social system, family and everyday life and culture of the former nomads and semi-nomads (on the example of the Kazakhs and Kirghiz). - "Essays on the history of the economy of the peoples of Central Asia and Kazakhstan." L., 1973, p. 235.
Under the lightweight type of migration, the author understands a migration for a short distance, in which the cattle breeder takes with him only the most necessary things, leaving the property in place with one of the adult family members.
Sur is the primary form of the production association of livestock breeders in Mongolia.
G. Batnasan. Some issues of nomadism and the transition to a settled way of life…, p. 124.
K. A. Akishev. Decree. work., p. 31.
I. Tsevel. Nomads. - "Modern Mongolia", 1933, No. 1, p. 28.
Y. Tsedenbal. Decree. work., p. 24.
V. A. Pulyarkin. Nomadism in the modern world. - “Izv. Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Ser. Geogr", 1971, No. 5, p. thirty.
V. A. Pulyarkin. Decree. work., p. thirty.

As has been shown, different types of early primitive economic and cultural systems implied different types, or rather, different qualities of human individuality. And the type and quality of a person as a subject of the historical process, along with the objective factors of the characteristics of the climate, the animal and plant worlds, etc., played an important, but, unfortunately, almost elusive role in the history of primitive society by methods of scientific analysis.

We find the most favorable conditions for the development of personal qualities of people in consanguineous communities of the subtropical-temperate zone with its clearly defined gender and age division of labor (including within the family) and a developed reciprocal system (within which, as noted, everyone was interested in contributing to the social consumption fund as much as possible in order to get more, but already in the form of prestigious symbols and signs of public respect and recognition). Under these conditions, faster than in other places, there was an improvement in the tools of individual labor (bows and arrows appeared, the so-called "harvesting knives" and other things made in the microlithic insert technique), the development of individual ambitions (a powerful incentive for activity to satisfy them). ) and the individual sense of responsibility of both a person (primarily a male breadwinner) to the community, and members of the nuclear family to each other (wife and husband, parents and children). These trends, of course, should have been fixed in traditional culture, reflected in ritual practice and myths.

Thus, By the time of the catastrophic climatic and landscape shifts that took place at the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene about 10 thousand years ago, a type of society had already developed on Earth, potentially capable of 190

the development of more complex, including productive, forms of life than hunting and gathering. Its representatives (due to a sufficient degree of individualization of economic and social life) were capable of relatively quick and effective adaptation to new conditions, and adaptation in different directions. The choice of forms of adaptation to the changing conditions of existence was determined by a complex interweaving of objective (landscape, climate, topography, size of the team) and subjective (the amount and nature of people's knowledge, the presence among them of reputable innovative enthusiasts - the Toynbean "creative minority", the willingness of the rest to take risks and change forms of life) moments. Significant differences were observed in different regions.

The planetary catastrophe caused by the rapid melting of glaciers, the shift and change in the boundaries of climatic zones and landscape zones, the rise in the level of the world ocean and the flooding of colossal areas of coastal lowlands, the change in the coastline throughout the planet, led to the crisis of almost all life support systems of the Late Pleistocene. The only exceptions were the societies of tropical gatherers, since the climate remained almost unchanged near the equator, although vast expanses of land went under water, especially in the regions of Indochina - Indonesia - the Philippines. The former ecological balance was disturbed everywhere, a certain balance between the hunter-gatherer communities scattered around the planet and the environment. This, in turn, was associated with the crisis of information support for the life of people whose traditional knowledge did not meet the requirements of changed circumstances.

Humanity has found itself at a bifurcation point. In conditions when the degree of instability of traditional systems (based on the appropriating economy) has sharply increased, a crisis of the former forms of life has erupted. Accordingly, a rapid increase in spontaneous fluctuations began - in the form of experimental, so to speak, "blind", searches for effective "responses" to the "challenges" of changed circumstances.

Success in this struggle against the challenges of external forces was associated, not least of all, with the active and creative potential of people who found themselves in a critical situation. And they depended to a decisive extent on the type of socio-cultural system they represented. Among them, the greatest flexibility and mobility (including in the spiritual sense) was shown by those whose individual creative potentials were less constrained by the traditional regulation of life. The corresponding societies had (ceteris paribus) the best chances of success.

However, it should not be forgotten that the external conditions in different regions were very dissimilar. The optimal combination of the challenge of external forces, the socio-cultural type of society (with the corresponding nature of human individuality) and external conditions favorable for the transition to new types of economic activity (mild climate, the presence of reservoirs rich in fish, as well as plant and animal species suitable for domestication) was observed in the Middle East . Local protoneolithic societies at the turn of the Pleistocene and Holocene created for the first time in the history of mankind the prerequisites for the beginning of the implementation of the civilizational process. Formation of the productive economy and tribal organization 191

Here, in the _ East Mediterranean-Pearn Asian region, among communities that are quite individualized in terms of production and social hunters and gatherers of rugged coastal-foothill-forest subtropical landscapes, about 12 thousand years ago, we observe the formation of several lines of further evolution of primitive mankind. Among them, only one, connected with the agricultural and pastoral economy, led directly to civilization. Somewhat later, similar processes occur in other regions of the globe, in particular in East Asia, as well as Central and South America.

The planetary ecological shifts associated with the melting of the glacier led to a divergence in the development paths of hunting and gathering groups in the Mediterranean-Center Asian region. I will highlight two main areas. On the one hand, in the conditions of the spread of forests north of the Alps and the Carpathians, hunting-gathering groups from the Northern Mediterranean (from the Iberian and Apennine peninsulas, southern France and the Balkans) began to explore the vast expanses of Central and Eastern, and then Northern and North-Eastern Europe. The surplus population settled in new, already forested areas left by hunters who had gone to high latitudes for herds of reindeer. On the other hand, with the intensification of the drying up of North Africa and Western Asia and the parallel advance of the seas, the population of many regions of the Middle East found itself in a critical situation. The number of game animals was rapidly declining, which was especially acute in Palestine, sandwiched between the sea, the spurs of Lebanon and the deserts approaching from the south (Sinai) and east (Arabia). Under these conditions, the "responses" to the "challenge" of external forces were, firstly, the reorientation to the intensive use of food resources of water bodies, which quickly led to the development of specialized fishing, and, secondly, the formation of an early agricultural and cattle breeding economic and cultural complex - the basis further civilizational process.

The first, Western Mediterranean-Central European line of development of hunter-gatherer societies in closed landscapes during the first millennia of the Holocene is represented by the materials of numerous Mesolithic cultures of the forest and forest-steppe spaces of Europe. They were characterized by adaptation to the existing natural conditions and resettlement within the corresponding landscape zone familiar to them. Possessing a bow and arrow, being well adapted to life in the water-rich forest zone of Europe, small, from several families, consanguineous communities formed, as before in the Mediterranean, groups of related protoethnoi. Within the framework of such inter-communal arrays, information circulated and there was an exchange of marriage partners, useful experiences and achievements.

Constantly living near water, such people, without leaving hunting and gathering, paid more and more attention over time to the use of food resources of water bodies. The first stationary settlements of specialized fishermen appear in Europe (near the Dnieper rapids, in the area of ​​the Iron Gates on the Danube, along the southern coast of the North Sea, in the Southern Baltic, etc.) around the 8th-7th millennium BC. e., while in the Eastern Mediterranean they date back at least one or two millennia earlier. Therefore, it is difficult to say whether the shuttle-net fishing industry is being formed. 192 ________________________________________

in the most convenient places in Europe on their own, or by borrowing the relevant economic and technical achievements from the Middle East, from where groups of fishermen through the Mediterranean and the Aegean could get to the Black Sea and Danube regions quite early.

Under the conditions of a balanced hunting-fishing-gathering (with an increasingly greater focus on fishing) economic system, the Mesolithic and Early Neolithic protoethnoi were distinguished by a low population density and its very slow growth. With an increase in the number of people, it was possible to resettle a few young families down or up the river, since there were plenty of spaces suitable for conducting an integrated appropriating economy in Europe, as well as in North America, Siberia or the Far East for many millennia.

As in the Paleolithic times, such consanguineous communities organically fit into the landscape, becoming the highest link of the corresponding biocenoses. But the consumer attitude to the environment, which presupposed the already conscious "(as evidenced by ethnographic data) maintaining a balance between the number of people and the natural food base, blocked the possibility of further evolution. Therefore, significant economic and sociocultural changes in the forest belt of Neolithic Europe were caused, before most of all, the spread of other ethnic, more developed groups of the population from the south, mainly from the Middle East through the Balkan-Danube-Carpathian region and the Caucasus.

In the Near East, however, during the first millennia of the Holocene, a fundamentally different picture was observed, determined by the "Neolithic revolution" that swept the region. Researchers, in particular V.A. Shnirelman, managed to connect the areas of the most ancient agricultural crops with the centers of origin of cultivated plants N.I. Vavilov.

The emergence of agriculture was preceded by a rather effective gathering, thanks to which a person recognized the vegetative properties of plants and created the appropriate tools. However, the undoubted origin of agriculture based on gathering does not yet answer the question: why do people, instead of harvesting ready-made crops in areas of natural growth of edible plants (as was the case in Paleolithic times), begin to cultivate the land in other places? Such places of land cultivation have always been plots located near the places of permanent residence of people. Consequently, the origin of agriculture presupposed the presence of at least early forms of settled life, which should have appeared somewhat earlier than the cultivation of cultivated plants. According to the well-founded conclusion of V.F. Gening, sedentism arises primarily as a result of the reorientation of hunting-gathering communities towards the specialized use of aquatic food resources. This was due (particularly in the Middle East) to a catastrophic decrease in the number of game animals.

Orientation to the active use of food resources of water bodies contributed to the concentration of the population along the banks of rivers, lakes and seas. Here the first stationary settlements appeared, known in Palestine from the 10th-9th millennium BC. e. - on Lake Hule (settlement Einan) and near the Mediterranean Sea near Mount Carmel. In both cases, evidence of sufficient Formation of the producing economy and breeding organization ___________________________193

but well-developed net-boat fishing (weights from nets, bones of deep sea fish, etc.).

The reduction in the number of game animals and the success of fishing thus contributed to the concentration of people around water bodies, creating conditions for the transition to settled life. Fishing provided constant food without the need to move all members of the community. The men could sail for a day or more, while the women and children remained in the communal settlement. Such changes in lifestyle contributed to the beginning of a rapid increase in the number and density of the population. They facilitated (compared to the mobile lifestyle of hunters and gatherers) the fate of pregnant and lactating women, contributed to a decrease in the number of cases of death or injury of men (more frequent in hunting than in fishing).

Since fishing settlements were usually located at a considerable distance from fields of wild cereals and other edible plants, it was natural to want to bring such fields closer to communal villages, especially since the conditions for growing plants (well-manured soils around settlements located near water, protection from wild animals and bird flocks) were very favorable here. In other words, For the emergence of agriculture, it was necessary the presence of at least three conditions (not taking into account the very fact of the crisis of the appropriating economy):

1) the presence in the environment of plant species that are fundamentally suitable for domestication;

2) the emergence, as a result of thousands of years of practice of specialized gathering, of sufficient knowledge about the vegetative properties of plants and the tools necessary for agricultural work (at first, little different from those used by the gatherers);

3) the transition to a sedentary lifestyle near water bodies due to the long-term intensive use of their food resources, primarily through the development of fishing.

However, it is noteworthy that the primary cells of agriculture everywhere arise near water bodies with limited food resources, while on the sea coasts, in the floodplains and estuaries of great rivers, fishing retains a leading role for a long time. Thus, in the Middle East, the oldest forms of agriculture are found in the Jordan Valley, as well as along the tributaries of the Tigris in the foothills of the Zagros and near the lakes of Central Anatolia (where they apparently came from Palestine and Syria), in areas where there were wild ancestors of many domestic plants, and the food resources of the reservoirs were limited, but not in the swampy at that time the Nile Valley, the lower reaches of the Tigris and Euphrates, or on the Syro-Cilikian coast.

In the same way, the lakeside terrain of the Mexico Valley, located among the dry plateau of Central Mexico, and the coasts of the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, lakes and river valleys of the Andean plateau, are contrasted with the Peruvian coast. The same, it seems, can be said about the correlation of economic development trends in the deep regions of Indochina with the eastern foothills of Tibet - and the coast of Southeast Asia, China and Japan.

Opportunities for the emergence of agriculture probably existed in a much wider area than where it first appeared. 194 Primitive foundations of civilization

But under conditions of quite productive fishing, people, leading a sedentary life and even having the necessary knowledge in the field of agriculture, quite consciously preserve their traditional way of life.

The reorientation of the economy to the cultivation of edible plants occurs only when the declining food resources of water bodies were no longer able to satisfy the needs of the growing population. Only the crisis of the traditional appropriating economy forces people to switch to agriculture and animal husbandry. As R. Carneiro showed on the ethnographic materials of the Amazon, hunters and fishermen do not reorient themselves to agriculture without extreme necessity.

That is why the Neolithic population of the Nile, Tigris and Euphrates valleys, the coasts of Syria and Cilicia, the Persian Gulf and Japan, the Caspian and the Aral Sea, Yucatan and Peru, and many other regions for a long time, maintaining direct relations with neighboring agricultural and pastoral societies and being familiar with the basics of their economic structure, remained committed to the fishing way of life, only partially and to a low extent supplementing it with hunting and gathering, and then with early forms of agriculture and cattle breeding.

During the IX-VI millennium BC. e. specialized fishing societies in thin chains from the Middle East spread throughout the Mediterranean, rise to the middle reaches of the Nile, master the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea. Groups similar to them at the same time become the leading ethnocultural force in the Caspian and Aral regions, the lower reaches of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya. Such communities have left traces of Neolithic settlements in the area of ​​the Kerch Strait, on the Dnieper and Danube, along the coasts of the Baltic and North Seas, etc. But, being strictly tied to their ecological niches, fishing groups, in general, have little effect on the hunting societies of neighboring, internal regions. In addition, the possibilities of their development were fundamentally limited by natural resources, which a person could only deplete, but not restore. Therefore, the line of evolution based on specialized fishing leads to a dead end, the only way out of which can be a reorientation to agricultural and pastoral activities. As G. Child rightly noted in his time. if the societies of the appropriating economy live at the expense of nature, then those oriented towards the reproducing economy enter into cooperation with it. The latter ensures further development towards civilization.

Thus, in areas with limited food resources of water bodies, in the presence of favorable external factors, in the context of increasing demographic pressure, there is a relatively rapid transition from fishing, hunting, and gathering forms of economy to an early agricultural, cattle-breeding economy. However, in areas rich in fish resources, society can exist for quite a long time on the basis of specialized fishing and sea hunting. Over a sufficiently long period, both marked lines of evolution provide approximately equal opportunities for increasing - on the basis of regular receipt of surplus food and a settled way of life - the demographic potential, the effectiveness of the social organization system, the accumulation and movement of cultural information, the development of religious and mythological ideas, ritual and magical practices, various types Formation of a productive economy and tribal organization

art, etc. Among the early farmers and higher fishermen we equally see large stationary settlements and tribal cults, a system of age and sex stratification with the first elements of dominance within the communities of individual noble clans and families. Ethnographically, this is well illustrated by the materials of New Guinea and Melanesia.

At the same time, it is important to emphasize that, as V.F. Gening, actually tribal relations, based on the idea of ​​a vertical relationship connected with the count of tribes and genealogical lines, going into the depths of the past relationship, appear only with the transition to a settled way of life. They have a certain socio-economic content: the justification (through the continuity of generations) of the right of the living to permanent fishing grounds (primarily fish) and used (for agricultural crops or pastures) land. Tribal settled communities own their territories on the grounds that these lands belonged to their ancestors, whose spirits retain their supreme patronage over them.

It was in the Neolithic, with the transition to settled life on the basis of the highest forms of fishing and early agriculture, that the clan appears as a social institution with a clear knowledge of its members of the levels of kinship, as well as rituals of honoring the founder of the clan and other ancestors, including those whom none of the living not seen, but heard about them from representatives of older generations. This is reflected in the veneration of graves and the cult of ancestral skulls, in the practice of creating ancestral burial grounds and the appearance of totem poles with images of ancestors symbolically represented on them, often endowed with expressive totemic features. Such pillars are well known, for example, among the Polynesians or the Indians of the northwestern coast of North America.

Meanwhile, as the food resources of reservoirs are depleted and the crisis of fishing societies begins, especially with an increase in the population, when some people were forced to settle far from reservoirs rich in fish, we observe a constant increase in the role of agriculture and animal husbandry (naturally, where it was possible ).

Moreover, in many places, previously inhabited by collectives wholly focused on fishing, there are rapid rates of outpacing (in relation to neighboring territories with more ancient agricultural traditions) development. What has been said applies to both Egypt, Sumer and the valley of the river. Indus (compared to Palestine and Syria, Zagros and Central Anatolia) starting from the 5th millennium BC. e., and to the coasts of Yucatan and Peru (compared to the plateau of Central Mexico and the valleys of the Andes) from, respectively, II and I millennium BC. e.

It should also be noted that at a time when the population of the centers of advanced development, based on more and more improved forms of agriculture, intensified its development, on their periphery the rates of evolution and population growth were much lower. Therefore, the excess human mass from such centers increasingly settled in the surrounding lands, where natural conditions were favorable for farming.

The demographic potential of the early farmers was always much greater than that of their neighbors, and the economic and cultural type was higher and more perfect. Therefore, when interacting with their neighbors, they, as a rule, either forced them out or assimilated them. However, in some cases, if

Primitive foundations of civilization

fishermen came into contact with advancing farmers, the latter, perceiving the basis of a reproducing economy, could retain their ethno-linguistic identity. So, obviously, it happened in Lower Mesopotamia in the process of forming a community of ancient Sumerians.

I love history very much, and this event in the development of human society could not but interest me. I am happy to share my knowledge about what is settledness, and talk about the consequences that were caused by a change in lifestyle.

What does the term "settled" mean?

This term means the transition of nomadic peoples to living in one place or within a small area. Indeed, the ancient tribes were very dependent on where their prey was going, and this was quite a natural phenomenon. However, over time, people moved to production of the desired product, which means that there is no need to move after the herds. This was accompanied by the construction of dwellings, housekeeping, which required the creation of things necessary in everyday life. Simply put, the tribe equipped a certain territory, while considering it their own, and therefore was forced to protect it from uninvited guests.

Consequences of the transition to settled life

The transition to this way of life and the domestication of animals radically changed the lives of people, and we still feel some of the consequences today. Settlement is not only a change in lifestyle, but also significant changes in the very worldview of a person. In fact, the land began to be valued, ceasing to be a common property, which led to the beginnings of property. At the same time, everything acquired, as it were, tied a person to one place of residence, which could not but affect the environment- plowing fields, building defensive structures and much more.

In general, among the many consequences of the transition to settled life, the most striking examples can be distinguished:

• increase in the birth rate- as a result of increased fertility;
• drop in food quality- according to research, the transition from animal to plant foods has led to a decrease in the average height of mankind;
• increase in incidence- as a rule, the higher the population density, the higher this indicator;
• negative impact on the environment- clogging of soils, rivers, deforestation and so on;
• load increase- Maintenance of the economy requires more labor than just hunting or gathering.

One of the paradoxes of the transition to a settled way of life is the fact that with an increase in productivity, the population increased and dependence on agricultural crops. As a result, this began to present a certain problem: in the case of a poor supply of food, the load on all spheres of life increases.

In Central Asia in the X-XI centuries. along with the existence of separate semi-sedentary and sedentary groups, who were also engaged in, there was nomadic extensive pastoralism. Hunting was a great help to the nomads. In the cities, the Oguzes and Turkmens were also engaged in crafts. Approximately the same situation developed at the beginning among the people (they were based on the Oguzes and Turkmens) in Anatolia: their main occupation was nomadic cattle breeding. Thus, the memoirist of the third crusade Tagenon wrote (1190) that the Turks in Konya lived in tents. Marco Polo gives the following description of the Turkmens of Anatolia: “they live in the mountains and in the plains, wherever they know that there are free pastures, as they are engaged in cattle breeding” . The Italian Dominican monk R. Montecroce, who visited Asia Minor at the turn of the 13th-14th centuries, described approximately the same way. Marco Polo mentions "good Turkmen horses", "good expensive mules". Khayton also reports on "good horses". Apparently, these were the famous Turkmen horses brought by the Turkmens from beyond the Caspian Sea. Later, in, as before, Anatolia was no longer famous for horses. Marco Polo also speaks of periodic migrations: in summer, “crowds of Levantine Tatars (Turks. - D.E.) come to the northeastern regions of Asia Minor, because in summer there are free pastures, in winter they go where it is warm, there is grass and pastures” . It is also known that in addition to cattle breeding, they were engaged in carting and making carpets.

However, part of the Oguzes and Turkmens began to switch to a settled way of life. So, in the epic "Dede Korkud", along with stories that the Oguzes are often engaged in hunting, raiding giaurs, migrating for summer, live in tents, have huge herds of sheep and herds of horses (moreover, it is emphasized that this is their main wealth), there is a very characteristic mention of vineyards belonging to them in the mountains. Thus, the Oghuz already had their own vineyards. A. Yu. Yakubovsky drew attention to this. And Ibn Battuta met a Turkmen village. Here we are dealing with the beginning process of the Turkic nomads settling on the ground in Anatolia, which was the first step towards their permanent settlement in the occupied territories, infiltration among the local population, rapprochement with it and its subsequent assimilation.

Looking ahead, we note that this process dragged on for a very long time: even to this day, they have survived in Turkey, who continue to lead a purely nomadic lifestyle - Yuryuks. In the east of Anatolia, a part of the former nomads retained a semi-nomadic way of life. These are Turkmens. The difference between the Yuryuks and the Turkmens lies, in particular, in the fact that the former apparently retained more of the ancient Turkic elements (pre-Oguz and Oghuz), who were more characteristic of a purely nomadic way of life. And the second - partly go back to a later layer, which absorbed many more elements of settled life, mainly Iranian. This is evidenced, for example, XIII-XIV centuries. It has a lot - armud (pear), nar (pomegranate), zerdalu (peach), ka "vun (melon), leblebi (peas), marchimak (lentils), kharman (threshing floor), bag (garden), bostan (garden) All these terms are of Iranian origin.

Part of the Turks settled down, settling in new villages, or settling in already existing villages and cities, forming new quarters in them.

Sometimes the Turks occupied villages abandoned by the locals. These settled Turks, who began to study, laid the foundation. They retained the self-name "Turk", common to, but lost their former tribal ethnonyms.

The squads of beys and emirs who participated in the conquest of Anatolia settled in the cities. Together with them appeared tax collectors and other servants of the administrative apparatus, imams, mullahs, etc. These elements constituted a privileged class. Most often they called themselves Muslims, in contrast to other religious groups that were in an oppressed position. In addition, as we shall see later, it was not the Turks who dominated among them, but Muslims of other ethnic groups or newly converted local residents.